Re: Various from Professor Gambari is Under-Secretary-General and Special Adviser to the United Nations Secretary-General.

Good analysis there but I disagree with the International Law Expert,
on the claim that Nigeria shared a common boundary with Cameroon
referring to La "Republic" and that both "neigbouring" countries
gained independence in 1960. False! The truth is, only German Kamerun
shared a common boundary with Nigeria until after the 1914 war, that
definitely saw the division of the German Kamerun into British
Cameroons (Southern and Northern ) and French Cameroun, creating two
international entities, so Nigeria ceased sharing a common boundary
with the defunct German Kamerun in 1918 but retained the ratified and
formal boundary with the Trust Territory of British Southern
Cameroons as confirmed in the 1922 demarcation, the entity that gained
her independence in 1961 and maintained her original boundaries with
Nigeria's Southern Region.
George

2014/1/14, Ofege Ntemfac <ntemfacnchwete@gmail.com>:
> Download the original attachment
>
> ADDRESSES
>
> Keynote Address: Lessons from the Resolution of the Bakassi Dispute
>
> Ibrahim A. Gambari1
>
> Mr. Chairman,
>
> Excellencies, Distinguished Participants,
>
> Ladies and Gentlemen,
>
> I am grateful to Ambassador Hirsch, Mashood Issaka, and their
> colleagues at the IPA, and the other co-hosts of thisinternational
> conference for the invitation to address this distinguished audience
> on such an important subject. And I thank Professor Adefuye, my dear
> friend, brother, and colleague, for the generous introduction.
>
> It is also a happy coincidence that, as a former Director-General
> myself, I took my seat sandwiched between two other Director-Generals
> of the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA) – immediate
> past and present.
>
> With your permission, distinguished delegates, I would like to place
> the Bakassi dispute in the broader context of the role of the
> Secretary-General's good offices in the pacific settlement of
> disputes, as provided for in the UN Charter, especially Chapter VI,
> and the Secretary-General's own creative responses to the challenges
> of peacemaking in this regard. Although good offices work in conflict
> prevention and resolution has never been easy, it has become more
> complex over the last several years, even while the demand for such
> work has increased. In striving to meet that demand, the international
> community has enjoyed important successes of which we can all be
> justifiably proud.
>
> Since theendofthe Cold War, for instance, more armed conflicts have
> ended through negotiation than ever before, and the United Nations,
> along with other partners, has been called upon to work in places like
> Central America, Namibia, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, Mozambique,
> Cambodia, Tajikistan, Bougainville, and East Timor, to name a few.
> According to the Human Security Report, there has been a forty percent
> decline in conflict since 1992, which it attributes in part to UN
> peacemaking. However, the report also notes—and I would
> underscore—that this is no time to be complacent. Several longstanding
> conflicts are still unresolved and we never know when a new one may
> erupt. In addition, some peace processes have failed or taken too long
> to succeed. We need to better understand the reasons for that and
> adapt our capacities to meet such challenges.
>
> Furthermore, our collective objective should not be to arrange
> short-term fixes of conflicts but the promotion of sustainable peace
> which addresses the real problems underlying conflicts, both
> intrastate and interstate. With regards to the former, these include
> good governance, sound political institutions, and broad participation
> of civil society's practice of the politics of inclusion. There are
> three other relevant challenges worthy of further consideration:
>
> (a) the growing number of actors and issues to be reconciled;
>
> (b) the implementation of arrangements; and
>
> (c) the use of leverage in support of the peaceful resolution of conflicts.
>
> Iwill not dwell on the first, as these tend to be well-known. With
> regard to the second, more often than we would like, we in the United
> Nations are asked to help the parties implement agreements that were
> reached without our involvement. Although this is not the case in the
> Bakassi dispute, there are several instances where the agreement that
> we are asked to implement goes against fundamental UN principles and,
> moreover, offers no practical possibilities for implementation. For
> example, the agreement may hold unrealistic expectations of
> international support or timetables which neither party can plausibly
> manage. Therefore, as a general rule, my view is that those
> institutions/organizations which would be expected to lead or support
> implementation should be present, at least as observers, during the
> negotiations preceding the agreement.
>
> A third challenge is the appropriate exercise of leverage in support
> of peacemaking and conflict prevention.
>
> Alot has been written about sticks and carrots, so I won't elaborate
> on those today. Instead, I would draw attention to three other types
> of leverage that are sometimes undervalued and therefore
> underutilized:
>
> • The first is the leverage which accrues when a mediator builds a
> relationship of trust with the parties, so that they will have
> sufficient confidence to ask for advice and to be amenable to
> accepting the mediator's need to be prepared to invest.
>
> • The second is the leverage that comes with being able to mobilize
> impartial technical expertise on some of the issues being negotiated.
> All peace processes are fundamentally political, of course, but some
> apolitical technical advice can sometimes help to find a way out of an
> impasse, not least by giving the parties a common professional
> language or set of concepts with which to work.
>
> • A third form of leverage is what has been called "enabling
> resources" which help a party to carry out its part of the bargain. A
> classic example is the assistance to a guerrilla army to transform
> itself into an effective political party but there are others such as
> resources for border delimitation and demarcation.
>
> Distinguished Participants,
>
> Now, it is impossible to draw lessons from the resolution of the
> Bakassi dispute without recognizing its full dimensionand historic
> background. As an illustration, the dispute is not only about the
> resource-rich Bakassi Peninsula… rather, it concerns the "Land and
> Maritime Boundary between Cameroon and Nigeria" – consistingof the
> entire boundary from Lake Chad in the North to the sea in the Gulf of
> Guinea.
>
> Moreover, the origin of the Bakassi dispute lies in the continent's
> colonial inheritance of artificial boundaries (separating communities
> that perhaps should have been united and vice versa) based purely on
> the convenience andchanging interests of the colonial powers. In this
> case, the various agreements delimiting each others boundaries in
> Africa between Britain and Germany signed on November 15, 1803, and
> supplemented with another March 19, 1906, respectively. These
> agreements also covered their respective territories from Yola in
> North Eastern Nigeria, northwards of Lake Chad. Northern and Southern
> Nigeria provinces were subsequently to be created by declarations in
> 1900, 1903, and 1906.
>
> In 1913, Britain and Germany again reached agreement on the boundary
> from Yola to the Gulf of Guinea, which involved offshore Bakassi
> almost in the intersection in the waters between Cameroon and Nigeria.
>
> German and British interests in the waters around the peninsula
> coincided in shrimps but because the Germans had options of using the
> Douala environs for their activities, the British, who had little
> interest in expanding eastwards were pleased with concessions from
> Germany to operate in navigable portions on the offshore borders west
> of Bakassi. For Germany's agreement not to threaten access to the
> waters where the British operated in Southern Nigeria, Britain agreed
> to concede the Bakassi Peninsula to Germany.
>
> Following the First World War, German territories in Cameroon were
> divided and placed under British and French mandates, the boundaries
> between mandated Cameroon being defined in a way that retained the
> 1913 border. At independence of both countries in 1960 (January and
> October respectively) the instruments creating the two states rehashed
> their colonial boundaries as defined by previous colonial agreements.
> Following the Nigerian Civil War, the territorial boundaries between
> both countries took greater prominence, especially on Bakassi, with
> both seeking clarity on where the lines lay. The disagreement
> continued through the 1990s until Cameroon took the matter to the
> International Court of Justice (ICJ) in 1994. In its judgement in
> October 2002, the ICJ ruled on, among others, the exchange of villages
> in the Lake Chad area as well as along the border to the sea. The most
> prominent ruling was on Bakassi which the Court ruled would be
> retained by Cameroon while Cameroon would leave oil exploration sites
> in the Bakassi under current Nigerian ownership for two years.
>
> • The peaceful settlement of the Cameroon Nigeria boundary dispute
> over Bakassi is indeed an illustration of the vital role that the
> Secretary-General's good offices could play when the parties to a
> given dispute have the political will and remain steadfast in their
> resolve to reach a peaceful settlement and the entire process is
> benefiting from the support of the international community.
>
> • The peaceful settlement of disputes is one of the core principles
> enshrined in the UN Charter, and the Secretary-General as the Chief
> Administrative Officer of the world body is expected to play an active
> role in the attainment of the goal. Article 98 of the UN Charter
> clearly establishes the Secretary-General's duty not only to act as
> the Chief Administrative Officer, but also to perform such other
> functions as are entrusted to him by the other principal organs, which
> may include those in the field of the prevention and peaceful
> settlement of disputes.
>
> • Article 99 gives the Secretary-General more specific powers in
> connection with the prevention and peaceful settlement of disputes by
> providing that the Secretary-General may bring to the attention of the
> Security Council any matter which in his opinion may threaten the
> maintenance of international peace and security.
>
> • Other important international instruments, such as the 1988 UN
> Declaration on the Prevention and Removal of Disputes and Situations
> describe the role of the Secretary-General in the peaceful settlement
> of disputes.
>
> This important document states that the Secretary-General, if
> approached by a state or states directly concerned with a dispute or
> situation, should respond swiftly by urging the states to seek a
> solution or adjustment by peaceful means of their own choice under the
> Charter and by offering his good offices or other means at his
> disposal, as he deems appropriate; the Secretary-General should
> consider approaching the states directly concerned with a dispute or
> situation in an effort to prevent it from becoming a threat to the
> maintenance of international peace and security.
>
> • In the case of Bakassi, it is interesting to note that the Security
> Council (particularly its five permanent members) felt that a
> collective and formal involvement of the Council would not be
> appropriate and encouraged the Secretary-General to continue to use
> his good offices. This is exactly what the Secretary General did
> before and after the October 2002 ruling of the International Court of
> Justice (ICJ) on the land maritime boundary between Cameroon and
> Nigeria.
>
> • When tensions erupted between Cameroon and Nigeria in 1994 and 1998,
> the Secretary-General reiterated his call to both parties to avoid an
> escalation.
>
> • In October 1996, the Secretary-General dispatched to the area a
> Goodwill Mission to assist in promoting a peaceful settlement. The
> Goodwill Mission recommended an immediate cease-fire, and agreement to
> a separation of forces, establishment of a neutral monitoring group,
> an exchange of prisoners, the return of displaced persons, and a
> Summit meeting between the two heads of state.
>
> • On September 5, 2002, the Secretary-General invited the two
> presidents to meet in Paris, in his presence, to discuss Bakassi. Both
> leaders agreed to respect and implement the ICJ's decision, as well as
> on the need for confidence-building measures, including the eventual
> demilitarization of the Peninsula.
>
> • When the ICJ issued its ruling in October 2002, the
> Secretary-General wrote and called President Paul Biya and President
> Olusegun Obasanjo encouraging them to issue public statements
> committing themselves to respect and implement the Court's decision.
>
> • In a press statement, the Secretary-General reiterated his call to
> both parties to respect and implement the ICJ's decision, and
> expressed the UN's readiness to assist in its implementation.
>
> • The Secretary-General invited the Cameroonian and Nigerian leaders
> to meet in Geneva on 15 November 2002 in his presence. He secured
> their commitment to (a) abide by the spirit and letter of the ICJ
> decision on the boundary issues, (b) agree on a series of
> confidence-building measures relating to the issues raised in the
> decision, (c) agree on the mechanisms and modalities for implementing
> them, (d) to determine the nature and scope of the United Nations
> assistance to that end.
>
> • Both leaders asked the Secretary-General to establish a mixed
> commission of the two countries to consider ways of following up the
> ICJ ruling and moving the process forward.
>
> • Through telephone calls and letters, the Secretary-General
> personally kept both heads of state committed and encouraged them to
> engage their respective populations in the process aimed at achieving
> a peaceful and durable settlement of the Bakassi border. He also
> invited them to facilitate the promotion of positive media campaigns
> in both parties to rally their populations' acceptance of, and support
> to the Court's decision.
>
> • At the last summit in June 2006, the Greentree Agreement on the
> modalities of the withdrawal and transfer of authority in Bakassi was
> signed.
>
> • A key lesson learnt from past and current precedents involving the
> United Nations – Chad/Libya (subjected to an ICJ judgment), and
> Ethiopia/Eritrea (subjected to a decision of a boundary commission
> created in accordance with 12 December Peace Agreement between both
> countries), or not involving the United Nations such as the border
> dispute between Bahrain and Qatar (subjected to an ICJ's ruling) that
> the acceptance by the neighbouring countries of the
> delimitation/demarcation decision is essential in order to avoid a
> resumption or escalation of tensions between the parties.
>
> • It is also essential that the parties agree to implement
> confidence-building measures immediately after such a
> delimitation/demarcation decision. These should include disseminating
> widely the decision and launching positive media campaigns in both
> countries to rally their populations' acceptance of, and support for
> the decision. The normalization of relations between the countries to
> a border dispute, including an exchange of visits of their heads of
> state (which Presidents Obasanjo and Biya did) is necessary to curb
> tensions.
>
> Finally, it is important to note that a judicial decision by the ICJ
> would alone have been insufficient to curb the deep tensions the
> border dispute had generated between the two countries. The commitment
> of the concerned heads of state, the continued role played by the
> United Nations to promote a peaceful settlement of the dispute, in
> particular the Secretary-General's good offices, as well as the
> support of key international partners, have greatly contributed to the
> peaceful settlement of the Bakassi dispute.
>
> Thank you.
>
> The UN is so aware of the imperative of Southern Cameroons
> Sovereignty, the UN Under-Secretary for Political Affairs, Ibrahim
> Gambari, on 12 February 2007, had this to say in reply to Ambassador
> Fossung's correspondence:
>
> 'I write to acknowledge your previous correspondence on the above
> subject and to inform you that, as you rightly know, the issues they
> raised are sensitive and they require a great deal of careful, full
> and fair evaluation and consideration. Please be assured that this is
> being done at the moment…. I will encourage you to continue to use
> your good offices as Chairman of the SCNC to continue to pursue the
> dialogue and non-violent approach to addressing all outstanding
> issues. We all engage in the search for a peaceful and just resolution
> of this important matter.'
>
> 1 *Professor Gambari is Under-Secretary-General and Special Adviser to
> the United Nations Secretary-General.
>
>
> ---------- Forwarded message ----------
> From: Ntemfac Ofege <ntemfac@gmail.com>
> Date: Tue, 14 Jan 2014 09:50:49 +0100
> Subject: Fwd: Various from Professor Gambari is
> Under-Secretary-General and Special Adviser to the United Nations
> Secretary-General.
> To: ntemfacnchwete <ntemfacnchwete@gmail.com>
>
> Lady, Chairmen, gentlemen,
> You may find Mr Ibrahim Gambari's statements and a still cut from a
> letter to Ambassador Fossung, very interesting.
> Ibrahim was the former Political Advisor to the UN. SG. he is now the
> Special Advisor.
> He is a Nigerian.
> Kind regards.
> Ntemfac Ofege.
>
> On 1/11/14, Paul Ayah <ayah4cameroon@gmail.com> wrote:
>> January 6, 2014
>> PAUL BIYA ENDORSES PAUL AYAH
>> BY
>> AYAH Paul ABINE
>>
>> That Paul Biya is eight letters and Paul ayah is exactly eight letters
>> is a fact both striking and notorious. Apart from this striking
>> comparison, the two politicians are conspicuously contrasting. But a
>> few days back there was neat convergence in their visions: the one
>> flowing from the other.
>>
>> As Mr. President once told the world, he is the "meilleur élève" of
>> President Mitterand. This time around, Mr President has in all
>> subtlety made himself Ayah's best student. This is not a laughing
>> matter – not an instance of being pejorative either!
>>
>> It would be recalled that Ayah has been consistent in crying out that
>> for Cameroun's enormous endowment in natural and human resources,
>> there is no reason whatsoever for Cameroun to lag behind neighbouring
>> countries in development when those countries are far less endowed.
>> Ayah has on several occasions cited, for instance, Equatorial Guinea
>> that buys sugar cane and even sand from Cameroun; and yet it is aiming
>> at becoming an emergent state in 2020 with proceeds from petrol alone:
>> fifteen full years before Cameroun that is so variously and enormously
>> endowed. Ayah has repeatedly blamed it all on waste, lack of
>> patriotism (disregard for the general interest), inertia, lawlessness
>> – (Mr. President may have preferred the subtle phrase "absence of
>> coordination") – etc. The most polite way one can put it is that Mr.
>> President, in some portions of his speech of December 31, 2013, did
>> literally paraphrase Ayah Paul.
>>
>> What was curious though is that, after enumerating all the vices and
>> failures of his government, including the inability of that government
>> to execute the 2013 public investment budget above 50%, Mr. President
>> failed to go on to sack the government for inefficiency and
>> mediocrity. That is the least a serious and reasonable leader ought to
>> have done.
>>
>> What is all the more curious is that Mr. President resorted to the
>> past failed habit of posing questions most discursive. It would be
>> remembered that a few years back Mr. President asked why African
>> countries (especially Cameroun, one should emphasize) were stagnating
>> while Asian countries that at the time of independence were at par
>> with African countries in terms of development have become economic
>> giants, launching rockets into space.
>>
>> Someone may wish to tell Mr. President that the people have given him
>> their mandate to manage the natural and human resources of the country
>> on their behalf. He owes the people a duty to account to them for his
>> stewardship: he is responsible to the people. It never can be the
>> other way round as Mr. President never gave any mandate to the people!
>>
>> It baffles much more because Mr. President has never missed an
>> opportunity to preach that the truth and the good example come from
>> the top. The top is Mr. President. If things have gone wrong, it is
>> incumbent on Mr. President to re-examine how good the examples from
>> the top have been; how honest the truth has been! There is no duty on
>> the commoners so to do: no duty to account, one should repeat!
>>
>> Mr. President knows how, even as a member of the United Nations
>> Organisaton, he has ignored the authoritative voice of the scribe of
>> that organization to dialogue with Southern Cameroonian leaders. Mr.
>> President knows how he has similarly ignored the presentation of
>> double maps and flags to him in the furtherance of the Southern
>> Cameroons' status of sovereignty. Nor has Mr. President paid any heed
>> to the ruling of a subsidiary organ of the United Nations that
>> recognized Southern Cameroonians as "a people" and called for dialogue
>> between them and Mr. President. Strangely contrastingly, Mr. President
>> has availed himself of the ruling of another organ of the United
>> Nations against the law-abiding Nigeria.
>>
>> Banking on those exemplary good examples of disregard for legality and
>> justice from the top, the Prime Minister sat on the judgment of the
>> Full Bench of the Supreme Court in favour of some helpless Camerounese
>> for seven years. Even a written parliamentary question from the
>> people's representative that Ayah then was was ignored. It took Ayah's
>> sound counsel for the matter to be filed with the UN Human Rights
>> Commission for the government to satisfy the judgment, some 8 years
>> after the highest judicial authority of the land had passed it.
>>
>> Like father like daughter, the Minister of Culture has systematically
>> ignored judgments of the Full Bench of the Supreme Court declaring
>> SOCAM a nullity. And that has she done with impunity and with the
>> benediction of and protection from the top in the pot-kettle game of
>> mutual smear. She is up to the time of writing these words thriving in
>> confusion consequent upon her arrogant illegality – lawlessness if
>> that she prefers!
>>
>> Proceeding from those imperial good examples from the top, Mr. Peter
>> Agbor Tabi is inflicting pain upon all he suspects are not promoting
>> his unbridled vaulting ambition to become prime minister. True indeed,
>> Mr. Peter Agbor Tabi right at the tip of Mr. President's nose is
>> sadistically inflicting collective punishment on holy innocence by
>> transferred aggression.
>>
>> Naturally proceeding from those divine good examples from the top too,
>> and, as if by contagion, the Minister of Justice by a mere letter did
>> annul the law of the legislature setting up regional administrative
>> courts; and he did transfer their jurisdiction to the Administrative
>> Bench of the Supreme Court with hands long proclaimed tied. And as the
>> best students of their Minister, the courts did arrogantly twist the
>> law in their new CPDM robes that cut across their oath of office!
>>
>> Aside from illegality and lawlessness, Mr. President did regret the
>> absence of coordination in his over thirty governments since taking
>> office in 1982. This again was only in line wih Ayah's consistent
>> position. It would be remembered that Ayah has kept harping on the
>> fact that no leader does it alone, or all by himself. Leadership is
>> the duty to coordinate. If done efficiently, the leader takes the
>> credit. Otherwise, he takes the blame. It is idle then to plead such
>> hollow contention as "Biya himself is good, but the people around him
>> do let hm down". Mr. President is the captain. He has to steer the
>> course. He does know that the ship stays afloat with him or sinks with
>> him. He is inextricably glued to the team in good or bad weather.
>>
>> The plain truth is that Mr. President has surrounded himself with
>> dishonest and inefficient mediocrities. These egocentric collaborators
>> have raised an opaque wall that has estranged Mr. President from the
>> people, and cut him off from the realities of his country. Lazy as
>> they are those collaborators have surrendered themselves to intrigues
>> and sordid machinations that paint black the true Camerounese patriots
>> in consolidation of their unproductive self-serving positions. The two
>> most intelligent and efficient ministers, Messrs Marafa Hamidou Yaya
>> and Atangana Mebara, who would have cleansed the filth in a little way
>> found themselves fatally struck by the political sledge hammer
>> christened "Operation Epervier" in expensive euphemism. Mr. President
>> is discovering belatedly that even his personal security in the end
>> does become vulnerable the moment 500 francs is brandished before
>> those he thought all along he could count on.
>>
>> Therefore would one have liked to suppose that Mr. President would
>> have immediately sacked his senile collaborators, having realized the
>> futility of continuing to entrust the fate of Cameroun to the very
>> failures who do take refuge behind a façade papered with perforated
>> CPDM livery against a threadbare backcloth. That is the least any
>> reasonable person would have expected! But how could it be otherwise?
>> Who is that reasonable person that can believe that those who had
>> failed when full of youthful energy would draw road maps in senility
>> today and implement them successfully when already sapped of vitality?
>> Who says that a government with the sole youngest cabinet minister
>> above 45 (ten full years above the UN ceiling for a youth) would still
>> have faith in a future they would regrettably behold only in their
>> graves in comprehensive passivity? Who is that person?
>>
>> Let someone tell Mr. President that the key to development is WORK.
>> There is no room for any argument here. Is not it true that thousands
>> of hours of public holidays to celebrate the vile victories of "Lions
>> Indomptables" have not moved Cameroun any one point forward? Who can
>> seriously argue that any country seriously prosecuting for development
>> does deplete state coffers of billions of francs for such idle
>> fictions as laying a foundation stone for a project; many more
>> billions for partial inauguration; and even much more for final
>> inauguration? How can a country develop when to lay a foundation stone
>> the venue is an inter-regional road, with the resultant paralyzing of
>> economic activities as public transport vehicles are immobilized four
>> kilometers in either direction for a dozen hours? Who wants to tell
>> that a country would develop where, as it is the case for about a year
>> now in Buea, every one of five days is an illegal public holiday,
>> baptized "keep Buea clean", during which time all businesses are shut
>> down as the people are told to await the arrival of Mr. President
>> indefinitely, even for a fictitious event?
>>
>> Poor Camerounese! Thay have even lost the count! None now remembers
>> that Cameroun was about the same level with Ivory Coast in the
>> production of cocoa at independence. Imagine the gaping chasm today!
>> Ivory Coast was on 1.22 million tons as of 2009. Only for Cameroun to
>> set for herself the target of 260.000 tons in 2014! More than just
>> shame isn't it? But that would well be Mr. President's next question
>> on December 31, 2014! In the slough of despond! Even going dizzy!
>>
>> But there is hope! I believe not that it was by error that Mr
>> President let lie the fiction dressed up as "50th Anniversary of
>> Reunification". The noose is obviously tightening around some
>> chimerical monster's neck! Chaos and lawlessness are tumbling down the
>> lethal abyss. Official corruption much faster! Oppression in a
>> sheer-drop!
>>
>> A new dawn is in the horizon! Heralded by freedom! Soon to be watered
>> by legality! Nurtured by love! And crowned with sharing! The new era!
>> Long live Southern Cameroons!
>>
>
>
> --
>
>
>
>
>
> I soar with wings like an Eagle:Eagle.
> "Eagles don't flock--you have to find them one at a time." H. Ross Perot
>
>
>
> --
>
>
>
>
>
> I soar with wings like an Eagle:Eagle.
> "Eagles don't flock--you have to find them one at a time." H. Ross Perot
>
>
>
> --
>
>
>
>
>
> I soar with wings like an Eagle:Eagle.
> "Eagles don't flock--you have to find them one at a time." H. Ross Perot
>
>
>
> --
>
>
>
> The thing always happens that you really believe in; and the belief in
> a thing makes it happen.
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