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Sunday, May 31, 2015

Re: [cameroon_politics] MY WORD UNTO THEY THAT ATTEMPT TO INTIMIDATE: (VINCENT FOUDA NOTE)SECESSIONISM AND THE SECESSIONISTS -A FAILED ARGUMENT

Thanks for the lesson. He, whatever clone he is needs it very badly. More proof of fraud in 1961 is that the so-called Federal Constitution was signed by Francophone only!!! Two Equal States and only one party signed five times? Haba Magida, even if we were fools back then, we could never have remained fools forever!
Justice M. Mbuh
THE LEGACY OF AMBAZONIA 
(UN Trust Territory of British Cameroons):

The Parliamentary Opposition, ...forged for itself a new role noteworthy for its dignity; and the government,..never attempted to withdraw...the legal recognition that was its due. Thanks to this...West Cameroon has won for itself the prestige of being the one place in West Africa (if not all of Africa) where democracy, in the British style, has lasted longest in its genuine form. 

--Prof. Bernard Nsukika Fonlon, The Task of Today, p. 9

--------------------------------------------
On Sat, 5/30/15, 'Mishe Fon' via ambasbay <ambasbay@googlegroups.com> wrote:

Subject: Re: [cameroon_politics] MY WORD UNTO THEY THAT ATTEMPT TO INTIMIDATE: (VINCENT FOUDA NOTE)SECESSIONISM AND THE SECESSIONISTS -A FAILED ARGUMENT
To: "cameroon_politics@yahoogroups.com" <cameroon_politics@yahoogroups.com>, "CAMNETWORK List" <camnetwork@yahoogroups.com>, "Ambasbay CamerGoogleGroup" <ambasbay@googlegroups.com>, "Accdf Accdf" <accdf@yahoogroups.com>
Cc: "Colo_Anglo@yahoogroups.com" <Colo_Anglo@yahoogroups.com>, "CAM" <camnetworks@yahoogroups.com>
Date: Saturday, May 30, 2015, 1:11 AM

Massa
Agbor Enow Double O SevenI strongly
encourage you to read this book, which might open your eyes
to reality. Go to page 32 - 38 (it tackles the flawed and
fraudulent Ahidjo's lopsided referendum of May 20th
1972) and equip yourself with very vital information that
may make you rethink your constant lambaste of your people.
Do you even remember the question that was asked of voters
at the charade of a referendum? It went something like this:
DO YOU AGREE TO BECOME A UNITED
CAMEROON?The answer provided was: OUI
or YES.
What were you expecting the poor Anglophones to do?
And as if that was not enough insults on the
Southern Cameroonian minority block, the majority
Francophones were equally forced to vote overwhelmingly for
the OUI Vote while their (wetin man
go do now) brothers settled for YES. There was no NO
vote near any polling area. The 99.99% OUI vote gave birth to what
Ahidjo referred to as Republique Unie du
Cameroun or United Republic of Cameroon abrogating
the old Federal Republic of Cameroon decreeing
20th May
as National Day.
Hence the beginning of complete annexation of
Southern Cameroons. Are you still with me?
Enter President Biya in 1982 who after solidly
consolidating his grip on power, unilaterally reverted to
the name of Francophone (East) Cameroon at Independence; Republique
du Cameroun. Ahidjo at least "Faked" a
referendum which could be binding in a Court of Law, but
Biya just grabbed the damn thing "By Force of
Decree".So in your warped mind...make we just shiddon
quiet, abi? Is it right to treat fellow human beings like
that? Na by force marret...as the respected Mola Njoh
Litumbe would ask?My broda...sleep with your eyes open.

Routledge Handbook of
African PoliticsDavid Anderson, Nicholas
Cheeseman - Political Science
- 2013 - 437
pages
Nic
Cheeseman is University Lecturer in African Politics at the
University
of Oxford, joint editor of African Affairs, and founder of
www.democracyinafrica.co.uk. David M. Anderson is Professor
of African
Politics at the University of Warwick. Andrea Scheibler is a
DPhil
candidate in African History at the University of Oxford,
and a member
of St Hugh's College.Limited preview - About this
book -

From: "Agbor Enow
Augustine Enow007@yahoo.com [cameroon_politics]"
<cameroon_politics@yahoogroups.com>
To:
"cameroon_politics@yahoogroups.com"
<cameroon_politics@yahoogroups.com>
Cc:
"Colo_Anglo@yahoogroups.com"
<Colo_Anglo@yahoogroups.com>; CAM
<camnetworks@yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Friday,
May 29, 2015 6:29 PM
Subject: Re:
[cameroon_politics] MY WORD UNTO THEY THAT ATTEMPT TO
INTIMIDATE: (VINCENT FOUDA NOTE)SECESSIONISM AND THE
SECESSIONISTS -A FAILED ARGUMENT


 











Bro
Greg Takor

 

Where
do you fit the provisions that make a mockery of your
 posting
dividing communities in your dream
country of" national integration"
into settlers and indigenes (autochtones
et allogenes) enshrined in one of the
two constitutions by Cameroun
is governed? Was that provision imposed by the
SCNC or Southern Cameroonians? 
     (Chief
Charles Taku)

This question should go back to
Chief.  There
is no constitutional provision
that classify Cameroonians as settlers, and that is why the
repulsive actions
of Governor Oben Peter Ashu on this question was widely
condemned. I know the
people of Yaounde also pulled an 'Oben Peter Ashu' on
the Bamileke by calling them
settlers or immigrants. But this is the exact thing the
separatists and
irredentists are doing, seeking to separate Cameroonians
into geographical restricted
areas. They are the same side of a coin with junta Biya
Paul.

On the question regarding
Presidential
Decree  84-001 OF February
4, 1984, abolishing the
Republic of Cameroon, the argument that Biya effectively
pulled East Cameroon
out of the Federation is flawed. The Federation ended after
the 1972 Referendum
in which 99.99% of Cameroonians approved of. A decree signed
by Ahidjo after the
referendum ended the Federation and not the one signed by
Biya in 1984.

All the above actions were legal
and
Anglophone elites fully participated in moving our great
country to where we
are today. I can criticize their mistakes, their
gullibility, or their tribal
and regional bigotry for political gain, but I cannot change
the past. I can
clearly understand the emotions acting as a catalyst to put
a few secessionists
into action, but with the dynamic nature of national and
international affairs,
Cameroonians of all stripes, must realize that we cannot win
if our house stays
messy.

Augustine Enow
Augustine





 The
outcome of my life is not more than three lines:
I was a raw material
I became
mature and cooked
And I was burned into
nothingness.

Rumi


On Friday, May 29,
2015 3:28 PM, "Greg Takor takorgreg@yahoo.com
[cameroon_politics]"
<cameroon_politics@yahoogroups.com> wrote:



 









Some of us - about 50 in number, were blacklisted
in the 1990s for similar action. I travelled to Southern
Cameroons several times since some one told us about that
list and nothing became of it. I will be going there again
this year, and am looking forward to seeing what they would
do this time around. Their intimidating tactics will not
silent me, until they do the right thing - park up leave
our country!!!!!!



ENOW TAKOR



--------------------------------------------

On Fri, 5/29/15, Ofege Ntemfac ntemfacofege@YAHOO.COM
[cameroon_politics]
<cameroon_politics@yahoogroups.com> wrote:



Subject: [cameroon_politics] MY WORD UNTO THEY THAT ATTEMPT
TO INTIMIDATE: (VINCENT FOUDA NOTE)SECESSIONISM AND THE
SECESSIONISTS -A FAILED ARGUMENT

To: "camnetwork@yahoogroups.com"
<camnetwork@yahoogroups.com>, "Ambasbay
CamerGoogleGroup" <ambasbay@googlegroups.com>,
"AMBASOS-NA" <ambasos@yahoogroups.com>,
"FREE AMBAZONIANS"
<free_ambazonians@yahoogroups.com>, "Free
Southern Cameroonians"
<freesoutherncameroonians@yahoo.com>, "Cameroon
Politics" <cameroon_politics@yahoogroups.com>,
"SDF South Africa"
<cameroons_sdf_party@yahoogroups.com>, "Campros
Group" <campros@yahoogroups.com>, "Cameroon
Group" <cameroongroup@yahoogroups.com>,
"Cameroon Review"
<camreview@yahoogroups.com>, "Ofege Ntemfac"
<ntemfacnchwete@gmail.com>, "Martin Yembe"
<mfyembe@gmail.com>,
"AmbazoniaNationalGroup"
<ambazonianationalgroup@yahoogroups.com>

Cc: "Southern Cameroon"
<southerncameroon@yahoogroups.com>,
"Camdesg" <camdesg@yahoogroups.com>,
"African GM"
<africanworldforum@googlegroups.com>, "Mbonbani
Mbonbani" <mbonbani@yahoogroups.com>,
"Nigerian World Forum"
<nigerianworldforum@yahoogroups.com>,
"talkhard@yahoogroup.com"
<talkhard@yahoogroup.com>,
"talknigeria@ahoogroups.com"
<talknigeria@ahoogroups.com>, "TalkNaija"
<talknigeria@yahoogroups.com>, "Ibom
Chronicle" <ibomchronicle@yahoogroups.com>,
"Mwananchi Mwananchi"
<mwananchi@yahoogroups.com>, "Niger Delta
Forum" <nigerdeltaforum@yahoogroups.com>,
"Punch Me I. Deck U."
<nigeria360@yahoogroups.com>, "Bring Your
Baseball Bat" <naijaobserver@yahoogroups.com>,
"MWANYAGETINGE NETWORK"
<mwanyagetinge@yahoogroups.com>, "Edo
Global" <edo_global@yahoogroups.com>,
"Cameroon Patriots"
<cameroonpatriots@yahoogroups.com>, "Politics
Naija" <naijapolitics@yahoogroups.com>

Date: Friday, May 29, 2015, 5:02 AM





 



















Ntemfac

Ofege with Cameroon

Calling

1 hrPeople,

some months ago, a character in UNIFORM, an anglophone,

engaged me in

these chambers as to why I was posting pictures of the
Prime

Minister's

Lodge in Buea and asking questions. The issue may not be

related but

yesterday I got a strange phone call from someone saying
he

was calling

from the Camerounese Ministry of Defence. Name and
number

available. His

question was simple: Pourquoi est-ce que votre nom
figure

sur la liste

noir du ministere de la defense (Why is your name

on the Black Book of the Ministry of Defence). I
thanked

the caller for

his concern and my answer to him was simple: Go ask
those

who put my

name there. Let me make this clear and simple. I speak
facts

and truths

without fear or favour. That is my calling, that is my
duty,

that is my

job. Intimidating Ntemfac Ofege - more than a messenger
in

the issues

being discussed about Southern Cameroons today - will
not

solve the

problem. Let my people go!Like · Comment

· ShareMue

Ntube, Charlow

Ngang and

2

others like

this.Gwain Colbert

Fulai

Amen

10 mins ·

Like 

             



Col 3:4 When Christ, who

is our life, shall appear, then shall ye also appear
with

him in glory. Christ appears in your life right here,
right

now: one nanosecond after you believe and confess that
Jesus

is Lord.

https://www.facebook.com/CAYMCameroon









On Friday, May 29,

2015 12:34 PM, "Ofege Ntemfac
ntemfacofege@YAHOO.COM

[camnetwork]" <camnetwork@yahoogroups.com>

wrote:







 























The African

Commission's Ruling in Gumne et

al v.

Cameroun : Digest and Comment



 



Professor C Anyangwe

STILL CUT: FULL DOCUMENT ATTACHED.















Colonial

occupation of the Southern Cameroons



 



In its Memorial in Communication 266

complainants asserted and demonstrated that the Southern

Cameroons has been

annexed by Republique du Cameroun and remains under the

colonial occupation of

that country. The Commission rightly characterised this

development as very

serious. Indeed it is, and the people of the Southern

Cameroons do not make the

charge of colonial occupation lightly. First, the
occupying

State does not deny

that it is in complete and asphyxiating control of the

Southern Cameroons and

administering the territory following its inherited
French

system. Over the

years it has been fishing for some possible justification
of

its seizure of

that territory. In the 1960s it argued that it simply
took

over a hitherto

separated part of its territory handed over to it by the
UN

and Britain. When

challenged to produce the instrument by which the UN and

Britain allegedly ceded

the Southern Cameroons to it (a legal impossibility
since

neither the UN nor

Britain were owners of the territory), Republique du

Cameroun changed its

story. It claimed that its occupation of the Southern

Cameroons is by virtue of

what it called "reunification on 1st October 1961
following the

plebiscite vote on 11 February 1961". But when it was

pointed out that one cannot

credibly talk of so-called 'reunification' when the

Southern Cameroons was never,

in the first place, a part of French Cameroun, and when
at

the plebiscite there

was no such option as 'reunification' and there
could

not have been any, Republique

du Cameroun then changed once more the basis of its
hopeless

claim. It then

sought to found its claim on a brief and ill-defined
German

Kamerun entity and

then proclaimed itself the state successor to that
entity.

But German Kamerun (parts

of which are now legally within at least five different

countries) lasted only

some 25-odd years and was long since extinct. Besides,
the

political existence

of Republique du Cameroun dates not from 1884 but from
the

inception of French

colonial rule in 1916.



 



Further, it is both a

legal and a

factual impossibility for a country to succeed at

independence not to the

territory of the immediate predecessor state but to the

territory long extinct

of a remote predecessor state. Furthermore, the
plebiscite

itself was a

complete refutation of the lie that the Southern
Cameroons

is a part of Republique

du Cameroun. If the Southern Cameroons were a part of
that

country the

plebiscite would have been redundant and the territory

simply handed over to

Republique du Cameroun like Ifni handed over to Morocco
by

Spain, Hong Kong to

China by Britain and Walvis Bay to Namibia by South
Africa.

Claim to territory

can never be founded on mere geographical contiguity or on
a

remote,

superficial and ephemeral historical connection. That is
why

the claim of Spain

to Gibraltar and the claim of Argentina to the Falkland

Islands have never

succeeded. The plebiscite in the Southern Cameroons was
a

clear and loud statement

by the international community that the native
inhabitants

of the Southern

Cameroons constitute a people and therefore have the

inalienable and continuing

right to self-determination.



 



Let the record be put

straight. At

the plebiscite the people of the Southern Cameroons
voted

first and foremost to

achieve independence (the effective date of which was set
by

the UN to be 1st

October 1961) and, as a secondary matter, to form a

political association with Republique

du Cameroun under certain terms and conditions. At the

plebiscite there was

therefore no such thing as a so-called 'vote for

reunification'. There could

have been no such vote because there was no such

alternative. Nor was there any

so-called 'reunification' on 1st October 1961. That
date was

billed

as the date on which UN trusteeship over the Southern

Cameroons was to end, resulting

in independence for the territory; it was also the date
on

which there was to

come into existence an agreed federal form of political

association between the

Southern Cameroons state and Republique du Cameroun,
duly

underpinned by an Act

of Union subscribed to by both parties.



 



But before that date

Republique du Cameroun

had illegally assumed jurisdiction over the Southern

Cameroons by performing

acts of sovereignty in the territory, while the British

conspiratorially looked

the other way. On 1st

September 1961 Republique du Cameroun passed in

its parliament an annexation law (in the form of a

constitutional amendment law

deceptively denoted as a 'federal constitution') by

which it formally claimed

the Southern Cameroons as part of its territory and
asserted

jurisdiction over

it. In that same month Republique du Cameroun's
French-led

troops marched into

the Southern Cameroons and immediately announced their

presence and demonstrated

their trigger-happy nature by murdering six citizens in
cold

blood, again while

the British looked the other way.



 



1st October 1961 witnessed

the formal ending of UN trusteeship over the Southern

Cameroons. But the

independence which the people had voted for and whose

effective date the UN had

set for 1st October 1961

remains paper independence to this day

because its enjoyment was immediately suppressed by

Republique du Cameroun in

two very significant ways. Republique du Cameroun sent
its

troops into the

Southern Cameroons, with the result that it remains an

occupied territory to

this day. Then, after the British Commissioner of the

Southern Cameroons departed

on 1st October 1961

Republique du Cameroun immediately appointed one

of its citizens to the Southern Cameroons as the new

colonial governor, stepping

into the shoes of the departed British Commissioner. The
new

and

French-speaking colonial officer was euphemistically
styled

'inspecteur d'

administration', a

denomination later changed to that of 'governeur

de province/region'. Thus, the so-called

'reunification' much trumpeted by Republique

du Cameroun is a mere myth and at best a Nazi-type

'reunification' of Alsace

Lorraine and then Austria, with the Third

Reich.



 



In the 1970s, believing

it had

achieved its colonial goal of complete assimilation of
the

people of the

Southern Cameroons and total destruction of their
identity,

and in order to

have unhindered access to the wealth and natural
resources

of the Southern

Cameroons, Republique du Cameroun contrived to
manufacture

another

'reunification' which it called 'unification', a

stage in its imperial agenda

admitting of no diversity, no multiculturalism, no

multi-nationalism, within

its colonial set-up: the Southern Cameroons had to be

completely extinguished,

its people destroyed as a distinct and separate people
and

then sunk wholesale

into the French world of Republique du Cameroun. But

Republique du Cameroun did

not reckon with the innate human yearning for freedom,
the

innate human nature

and ability to resist oppression and domination, the
innate

individual and

collective human instinct for survival, and the
resilience

of the people of the

Southern Cameroons in the face of great national
adversity

and peril.



 



Now that its colonial

occupation of

the Southern Cameroons has been thoroughly exposed

Republique du Cameroun claims

to have been able to find a new basis for its tragic

colonial adventure in the

Southern Cameroons. It now makes the dishonest and
infantile

claim that the ICJ

ruling in the 'Bakassi

case' confirms

that the Southern Cameroons is part of the territory of

Republique du Cameroun and

that the ruling acknowledges Republique du Cameroun's

sovereignty over the Southern

Cameroons. But this is more of wishful thinking than
what

the ICJ decided in

that case. The ICJ could not have decided those points
for

the simple reason

that those matters were never pleaded before the Court.
It

is elementary that a

court of law does not adjudicate on matters not put
before

it and argued by the

parties. Sovereignty over the Southern Cameroons and the

boundaries of the Southern

Cameroons were not issues before the Court. Therefore,
the

Court cannot

possibly be taken to have decided those issues. In any

event, the ICJ is not a

territorial sovereign; it does not have territory with
which

to assuage the

colonial cravings of expansionist states. In 1961
Republique

du Cameroun had

tried to lay the foundation for its expansionism by
claiming

in the Northern Cameroons case

that it had an

interest in a so-called "reunification of all the
people

of Cameroun." Republique

du Cameroun had already set its eyes on annexing the

Southern Cameroons. Its next

step was to grab the Northern Cameroons via the ICJ. Had
it

succeeded it would

have moved on to lay claim to parts of Gabon, Congo,
Central

African Republic

and Chad on the basis that the pieces of territory in

question formed part of

German Kamerun. Fortunately, the ICJ at the time quickly
saw

through this

imperial agenda and non-suited Republique du Cameroun
which

promptly declared

what turned out to be an ephemeral day of crocodile

tears.



 



The evidence of

annexation and

colonial occupation of the Southern Cameroons is
therefore

overwhelming; and

every citizen of the Southern Cameroons is a colonized
being

however much those

co-opted into the administration of the colonialist (a

typical French colonial

practice) might pretend. But there is further evidence
of

colonialism which

tallies with the findings of a study (2009) by the
Middle

East Project of the

HSRC entitled 'Occupation, Colonialism, Apartheid: A

Re-assessment of Israel's

practices in the Occupied Palestinian Territories under

International Law.'

"The terms of the Declaration on [the Granting of

Independence to Colonial

Peoples and Territories],'' the study affirms,

"indicate that a situation may

be classified as colonial when the acts of a State have
the

cumulative outcome

that it annexes or otherwise unlawfully retains control
over

territory and thus

aims permanently to deny its indigenous population the

exercise of its right to

self-determination."



 



First, the indigenous

population of

the Southern Cameroons have no control over their
territory,

the territorial

integrity of which has been violated by Republique du

Cameroun by the fact of

occupation of the Southern Cameroons and the partitioning
of

the Southern

Cameroons into provinces/regions tagged to contiguous

Cameroun Republic areas.

This violates the UN Declaration on the Granting of

Independence.



 



Secondly, the people of

the Southern

Cameroons hitherto self-governing under British colonial

rule have since been

deprived of the capacity for self-governance. Republique
du

Cameroun exercises

total civil and military administration of the Southern

Cameroons through a

hierarchy of Republique du Cameroun officials. Unlike
under

British colonial

rule, there is now no Southern Cameroons parliament, no

Southern Cameroons government,

no Southern Cameroons judiciary, no Southern Cameroons

administration, no

Southern Cameroons public service, and no Southern
Cameroons

police service. Republique

du Cameroun retains full and total control over the

territory. The people of

the Southern Cameroons cannot freely determine their

political status. They

cannot freely pursue their economic and social
development

according to the

policy they should freely choose. They cannot exercise
the

right to their

economic, social and cultural development. The enjoyment
of

the independence

voted for at the plebiscite in 1961 has been suppressed
by

Republique du

Cameroun, thereby violating the right of the people of
the

Southern Cameroons

to self-determination. Republique du Cameroun is seeking

permanently to deny

the people of the Southern Cameroons the exercise of
their

inalienable and

continuing right to self-determination.



 



Thirdly, whereas

international law

ordains that the territory and economy of a colonial

territory must remain

separate and distinct from that of the colonising power,

Republique du Cameroun

has completely subordinated and subsumed the territory
and

economy of the Southern

Cameroons to its own, in fact fused the economy of the

Southern Cameroons into

its own so that structurally there is no longer any

distinction between the

two, with the result that the people of the Southern

Cameroons have been

totally deprived of the capacity to govern and order
their

economic affairs.

Their right to economic self-determination has thus been

suppressed.



 



Fourth, Republique du

Cameroun is in

breach of the principle of permanent sovereignty over

natural resources in

relation to the Southern Cameroons. The right of
permanent

sovereignty over

natural resources entitles a people to freely dispose of

their wealth and

natural resources and in no case shall they be deprived
of

it. Oil, timber, gas,

mineral and cash crop resources are taken from the
Southern

Cameroons for the

exclusive development of Republique du Cameroun. The

Southern Cameroons has

changed little in the past 50 years: The existing few

kilometres of tarred

roads are the typical colonial 'extractive routes'
meant

to facilitate the

evacuation of natural resources and food commodities
from

the Southern

Cameroons to Republique du Cameroun. Most parts of the

Southern Cameroons are

unreachable throughout the year and head load over long

distances is still very

common. Water, electricity and health facilities remain
rare

amenities. Infrastructural

development is virtually absent. The enjoyment of
second,

like first,

generation human rights remain a pipe dream.



 



Fifthly, Republique du

Cameroun has

denied the people of the Southern Cameroons the right
freely

to express,

develop and practice their culture. The practices of

Republique du Cameroun privilege

the French language, the French legal system, the French

administrative system,

the French educational system and the French-based
cultural

referents of Republique

du Cameroun, while materially and purposefully hampering
the

Anglo-American-based

cultural development and expression of the people of the

Southern Cameroons.



 



Clearly, the

implementation by

Republique du Cameroun of its colonial policy has been

systematic and

comprehensive. The exercise by the people of the
Southern

Cameroons of their

right to self-determination has been frustrated in all
its

principal modes of

expression. Living in complete denial even in the face
of

compelling evidence,

Republique du Cameroun argues lamely that Africa is now
free

and therefore the

Southern Cameroons is not under colonial occupation. But

that is like arguing

that there is now no slavery in the world because
slavery

was abolished a long

time ago. Colonialism is colour-blind. It is no less

reprehensible because it

is perpetrated by one of our kind. No one has ever
argued

that Americans and

the Irish were never colonised by the British because
they

are all whites (and

even with a substantial cultural and blood relations).

German occupation of

France was rejected as was Japanese occupation of

China. 



 



Colonisation is slavery,

a form of

terrorism and a threat to international peace and
security.

Article 20 of the

African Charter emphatically rejects it and the AU in
the

preamble to that

Charter strongly denounces it. The existence of
colonialism

in any form or

manifestation, including economic exploitation, is thus

incompatible with the

African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights. It is
also

incompatible with the

United Nations Charter, the United Nations Declaration
on

Decolonisation and

the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The African

Commission on Human and

Peoples' Rights is duty bound to affirm its support
for

the aspirations of the

people of the Southern Cameroons, under Republique du

Cameroun's colonial rule,

to exercise their right to self-determination, including

independence. If there

is any doubt about this aspiration let an independence

referendum,

internationally supervised and monitored, be held in the

Southern Cameroons.

That is an internationally recognised peaceful method of

resolving an issue of

this nature and for which there are many precedents.





 



People



 



It has always been

self-evident even

to the blind that the indigenous population of the
Southern

Cameroons

constitute a people separate and distinct from the people
of

Republique du Cameroun.

But true to its logic of destroying us as a people with

every right to

existence, the colonial occupier keeps repeating ad nauseum
that we are "a small

linguistic tribal minority" in Republique

du Cameroun, not different from minority groups in that

country. And this, in

spite of the fact that the self-determination plebiscite
in

the Southern

Cameroons was the clearest proof that under
international

law we constitute a

people. A self-determination plebiscite is resorted to
by

the UN when it is

satisfied that the dependent population concerned
constitute

a people within

the meaning of international law. There is also UN

Resolution 1608 of 12 April

1961 in which the General Assembly of the UN expressly
and

advisedly refers to

us as a people. With the recent ruling by the African
Human

Rights Commission

in Communication 266/2003 any lingering doubt on this
matter

has been put

beyond question. This point must now be regarded as

definitively settled.



 



One of the foremost

implications of

the jurisprudence that the indigenous populations of the

Southern Cameroons are

a people is that they necessarily have a territory and
are

free to name it as

they see fit. There cannot be a people without a
territorial

link. A people

must necessary have a homeland. When the Jews, dispersed
as

they were all over

Europe and America, were recognized as constituting a
people

the international

community had to find a homeland for them. The Jews were

settled in part of the

British mandated territory of Palestine. They named the
area

Israel and

proclaimed their independence. The populations of the

Southern Cameroons are

native to the territory they occupy and which the
British

colonial authorities named

as 'the Southern Cameroons'. It is up to the people
to

rename that homeland

when and by whatever name they chose to, before or on
the

day of independence.



 



Other implications are

that the

people of the Southern Cameroons, qua

people, have the right to:



(i)         

Self-determination

(i.e. the right to freely determine their political
status,

and the right to

freely pursue their economic and social development

according to the policy

they have chosen);



(ii)        

Existence

(the only adequate guarantee of which is sovereign

statehood);



(iii)       

Equality

with all other people;



(iv)       

Enjoy

the same respect as all other people;



(v)        

Have

the same rights as all other people (including the right
to

be free);



(vi)       

Freedom

from domination by another people;



(vii)     

Free

themselves from the bonds of domination by resorting to
any

means recognised by

the international community (i.e. right to resist
colonial

rule);



(viii)    

Assistance

from States Parties to the African Charter in their

liberation struggle against

Republique du Cameroun domination;



(ix)       

National

and international peace and security;



(x)        

Cultural

development;



(xi)       

General

satisfactory environment favourable to their

development;



(xii)     

Freely

dispose of their wealth and natural resources;



(xiii)    

Lawful

recovery of property and to an adequate compensation in
case

of spoliation.



 



Self-determination

involves the

all-important issues of survival, identity and

dignity.









         



Col 3:4

When Christ, who is our life, shall appear, then shall
ye

also appear with him in glory. Christ appears in your
life

right here, right now: one nanosecond after you believe
and

confess that Jesus is Lord.

https://www.facebook.com/CAYMCameroon











On Friday, May 29, 2015 8:06 AM,

"Asonganyi Walter asonganyi@hotmail.com

[camnetwork]" <camnetwork@yahoogroups.com>

wrote:







 



















Oh Agbor Augustine is a case, a very

bad case, the more one tries teaching him about the rule
of

law and the way degrees has been used to entangle
Southern

Cameroon the less he follows. I once tried to no avail.
When

francophones do not understand I pity them but not a

Bonafide west Cameroonian.Some people are so

obsessed with the political setup in Cameroon, that they
do

not for once read and think the chronology and truth of
why

Southern Cameroon is by right an independent country and

only being subjugated by force into a union she never

entered.

Ndi Nkem



Sent from my iPhone

On 29 May

2015, at 02:08, "Julius Acham achamj07@gmail.com

[camnetwork]" <camnetwork@yahoogroups.com>

wrote:









































If Mr

Agbor cannot see the 1984 Decree as the real SECESSION
from

the Illegal Union, then he  is very unteachable.

Responding too him is shooting too low.Long

live the Republic of Ambazoniawww.ambazonia.org

On Thu, May 28, 2015 at

3:28 PM, 'Atang Christopher' via ambasbay
<ambasbay@googlegroups.com>

wrote:



It's

unfortunate that Agbor Enow Augustine has misrepresented
the

legitimate case of the people of the Southern Cameroons
by

using a wrong terminology - secession - to depict
the

ultimate objective of the case.  Remember that

reunification does not translate to subjugation.
Let's

be conversant with our history before going public to
make

untrue statements.

Christopher Atang,

Ph.D.,                          

5507 Pipingwood

Drive                        

Houston, Texas

77084                                   





                                                           

"People may not remember exactly what you did, or
what

you said - but they will remember how you made them

feel."             -
Anonymous









On Saturday, 16 May

2015, 14:45, "Agbor Enow Augustine
Enow007@yahoo.com

[cameroon_politics]"
<cameroon_politics@yahoogroups.com>

wrote:







 























Fellow Cameroonians



The secessionists and would be

secessionists will never cease to amaze us. The

decolonization of the territory

of British Cameroons is the choice of the peoples to
join

with other states,

Cameroon and Nigeria to be precise. Whether the argument
is

mimicked into

secession and international law, self-determination and

international law or

Minority Rights and international law, in the case of

Cameroon, this argument

is merely an academic exercise. The state of Cameroon
was

not imposed upon the

peoples within that state, but through self-determination
in

a plebiscite and a

referendum. The better course of action to take is the
one

taken by the Anglophone

lawyers, even though their six-month ultimatum is

ill-conceived.



As Anglophones within the State of

Cameroon, it is our duty to protect our language and

culture. Those making

these futile and ill-conceived secessionist arguments
are

confusing the self-determination

of all the peoples of Cameroon, which is a fait
accompli,

and the minority

rights of the English-speaking peoples of Cameroon, which
we

must continue to

fight for.



For a long time, many Cameroonian

intellectuals, just like the laymen have confused the

phrases, "principle of

equal rights and self-determination written in Article 1
(2)

and Article 55 of

the UN Charter to mean secession of any unhappy bunch
within

a state. The

context of equal rights and self-determination in the
above

Articles is that

the rights of peoples of one state to be protected by
other

countries or

governments. It speaks of the protection of the equal
rights

of states, not

individual equal rights.



Article 27 of the Covenant states,

"persons belonging to ethnic, religious or linguistic

minorities within a

State, shall not be denied the right, in community with

other members of that

group, to enjoy their own culture, to profess and
practice

their own religion,

or to use their own language." Here again, we can see
that

self-determination

and minority rights are two distinct rights with
different

beneficiaries. Thus,

the secessionists are depriving the entire people of the

state of Cameroon of

their real right of self-determination- their

right to determine their economic and political

destiny.



Two fundamental questions to

answer:



1.         Does

the right of self-determination suggest a right of

secession? No…NO…NO!



2.         Do

minority rights carry with them a right to secession?

NO…NO…NO!



Augustine Agbor Enow



N.B



In Cameroon, we are united in our

diversity, and our diversity is our greatest asset. No
one

can take that away

from us. Not even the actions of despotic leaders like
the

junta Paul Biya, nor

the futile actions of secessionist bigots.



 The outcome of my life is not

more than three lines:

I was a raw

material

I became mature and cooked

And I was burned into nothingness.



Rumi











































































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