15 POINT RESOLUTIONS AND STATEMENT FROM UBSU EX-OFFICIALS ON THE RECENT STRIKE ACTION BY STUDENTS OF UB CONDEMNING THE FALACY RAISED BY SOME OVERZEALOUS INDIVIDUALS USING CALUMNY AND BLACKMAIL TO SEEK RECOGNITION AND SUBSEQUENT APPOINTMENTS.
- Mindful of the constitution of the Republic of Cameroon,
- Mindful of the 1993 text creating the University of Buea and the texts of application guiding the functioning of the University,
- Mindful of the duty and need for students of all State Universities to respect government constituted authorities especially in Universities,
- Mindful of the right of citizens of the Republic to peaceful protest on issues pertaining to their welfare in a democratic dispensation like ours,
- Cognizance of the necessity of a vibrant Students' Union in a University like UB functioning largely on Anglo-Saxon tradition,
- Mindful of the May 27th 2005 declaration by the Minister of Higher Education authorizing the formation of UBSU as enshrined in the 1993 text creating UB
- Mindful of the subsequent authorization for UBSU to operate by the then Vice-Chancellor Prof Cornelius Lambi
- Mindful of the constitution of UBSU,
- Cognizance of the role UBSU plays in the wellbeing of UB,
- Aware of the present/recent crises that has rocked the University and its aftermaths,
- Bearing in mind the need to preserve, protect, and maintain state properties for our general good,
- Aware that no student protest in UB has ever been settled outside meaningful and inclusive dialogue, -
- Informed of the press conference by the UB Administration, the reactions of UBSU leadership, and the position statement purportedly issued by the Fako Chiefs Conference,
- Cognizance of our responsibilities as alumni to make contributions to the growth and development of our alma-matter both as former students and Ex-officials of UBSU,
We, the former leaders and members of UBSU, meeting this day the 15th february 2013 through tele-conferencing, have witnessed first-hand, read and followed up, in the media and social networks the recent and continuing stand-off between students and the UB administration. While we regret the happening of this unfortunate incident, we however want to make public our position to this quack mire and propose the way forward in all good faith. We have observed with grave concern and in a bid to foster learning in the Anglo-Saxon University of Buea, we wish to make the following clarification and to share light on the current happenings of UB.
1. That the University of Buea students, represented by the constitutionally elected representative have the right to help improve the welfare of the students by all possible means as enshrined both in the laws of Cameroon and in line with Universal Declaration of human rights and other Internally Recognized procedures.
2. We strongly condemn the arrests of Student Union leaders in the discharged of their duty on instructions from the Governor of the South West, as stated by Dr. Nalova Lyonga during her aforementioned press conference. The arrest is against the Universal Declaration of Human Right and against the Constitution of Cameroon.
3. That the students acted in line with the Laws governing the creation of State owned Universities and in line with the UBSU Constitution which has been approved by previous VCs with indication to amend and clarify on the Role of the Council chairman viz as viz the President and the Article for impeachment of the President and other Officers.
4. That; the inconsequential publication and crash views raised by Dr. Ernest Molua are mere preposterous fabrication intended to give a dog a bad name so as to hang it. This purported traits attributed to the student governing body is a mere campaign of calumny to weep up sentiment and project his ego for recognition by high quarters and a campaign for appointment. It should be made clear that those lecturers who embarked on a war to ensure that UBSU be dissolved are afraid because their shady deals will be exposed. Such dealings involve; the trading of marks for sex, leakage of test and examination questions for money, award of unmerited grades to students in exchange of sex for girls and money for boys. Any lecturer in UB who stands to criticize the ills of UBSU should first of all proclaim his innocence with respect to the above accusations.
5. That; the accusation of student taking the VC hostage is another calculated attempt by some unscrupulous individuals to portray UBSU as a body delighted in evil. It should be noted here that the present VC has always had a snobbish attitude in dealing with the student Union. Student came to the VC to raise their plight but for close to four hours, no response was given. It is abhorrent for the VC and some of her collaborators of ill-will to turn around and say she was held hostage. Furthermore the VC to this moment has not made a statement saying she was held hostage (see minutes of the meeting held on the February 12, 2013, attended by public and private media outlets. All this fabrications are stemmed from the inconsequential publications of Dr Ernest Molua , a frontline power monger. It is surprising that he resigned and is now showing some inexplicable love towards the University of Buea.
6. That; the accusation on the issue of EX-students, members of staff and UB administration and others private or public instigating UBSU is a tactic by the UB administration not to shoulder their responsibility. All the previous VCs in time of failure in their tyrannical administrative policies have attempted to win public and media support by attributing the actions of UBSU to 'Some lecturers and UB Administrators; Ex-student, Political parties' etc. In 2009 when the former VC dismissed 14 students, he said the students were occultist and members of Southern Cameroons National Council, SCNC who possess guns. Now, the present VC who has failed to meet the demands of students has embarked on a media campaign using the old tricks by her predecessors which has never yielded any fruit.
7. We wish to disclaim insinuations and claims by the university authorities that the strike is being spearheaded by "a few misguided occultists" in the name of students and former students of the university. This is an insult to the intelligence of students. UB administration is known for apportioning blames instead of addressing their weakness and inefficiency.
8. That UBSU has never submitted a constitution to the administration is heresy. Let us examine the statements made by UB Administrators.
Dr. Nalova Lyonga reported, that UBSU had never had the courage, respect of hierarchy and courtesy to submit their draft constitution to the University administration for review as required by law under the Ministerial and Presidential Texts establishing the University of Buea". (The Post Newspaper)
Prof Abagma added that "UBSU constitution has never been recognized by the University of Buea,"
These statements made by UB administration is an indication of 'negligence of duty and irresponsibility to uphold the truth. UBSU has submitted her constitution on four occasions and has received feedback thrice on possible amendment and re-amendment. It is a pity that these administrators have never maintained an open door policy when it comes to UBSU ,the more reason why they are ignorant and portray their incompetence in dealing with worries of students.
9. That; the abhorrent publication of the Fako Chiefs is an insult and a threat to the peace and stability that reigns in this nation. UB is a state own University and thus open to every qualified citizen of the republic both as student and staff no matter his or her region of origin, so long as the present status-quo remain in place. Also every tax payer is a stakeholder of the institution; consequently, we denounce every attempt by who so ever to derail the sensibilities of the public by presenting the present scenario as a tribal or regional struggle for the leadership of the University.
10. It is sacrilegious that auxiliaries to the administration can't seek a peaceful and amicable means to resolve their unfounded worries but openly proclaim a battle of spiritual warfare. These Chiefs form Fako who issued a statement on the UB crisis should be made to understand that three of the students unlawfully arrested are from Manyu. These Chiefs should not insult the integrity of the Manyu Man. A Manyu man has always been made 'escape goat of calamity' in UB. When the former VC illegally dismissed 14 students in 2009, 9 were from Manyu Division. Such defamatory utterances by the Fako Chiefs are a bedrock for both Inter-tribal war (Manyu versus Bakweri ) and Inter Regional war (Southwest versus Northwest). We the Ex-Students strongly condemn this tribal policy and regional disintegration propagated by the Fako Chiefs and caution them not to breed grounds for the unknown.
11. It is the responsibility of successive university administrations to create the necessary enabling physical and academic environment for the effective functioning of aLL staff and students. Consequently, we implore the university authorities to engage the leadership of UBSU in a meaning dialogue aimed at addressing the worries of the protesting students.
12. The university authorities should ensure the immediate and unconditional release of all union leaders illegally arrested and held by the police. Information reaching us recently that the acting President Minang is still at large, he could not be traced.
13. UBSU leaders should conduct themselves and be peaceful and ensure the protection and preservation of University and private properties
14. We want to state unequivocally that UBSU is not an illegal organization and remains the umbrella body for All students' associations on campus. We all fought for it and the blood of some of our brothers would not go in vain. We are aware of all the moves and attempts by previous administrations to kill the union. Therefore, the present blackmailing and labeling of UBSU by the UB administration and a self-seeking member of staff (Dr. Ernest Molua), as a terrorist organization and Cameroons Boko Haram is not new to us. While we vehemently reject such an appellation, we call on Dr. ERNEST MOLUA to go read more on the meaning and activities of Boko haram before making public fallacies.
15. We call on the University to allow students exercise their democratic rights by choosing their leaders who will represent and defend their interests at every level. The moves to vote UBSU leaders by means of an electoral college is a tacit move to kill the Union and we strongly denounce this move by the VC and made it known that, it is an unattainable objective that would lead to future chaos. It is unfortunate that the so called leaders of tomorrow are being suppressed and refuse the chance to be part of the building process of future leaders. We pray and hope that everyone concerned realizes his or her mistakes, act accordingly and responsibly to ensure normalcy returns to the University of Buea" THE PLACE TO BE"
Done this day
February 15th 2013
Signed
1. Bara Mark, Belgium, Pioneer Chairman, UBSU Yellow Party Congress
2. Arrey Besong T. Martin, China (UBSU Council Chairman 2010)
3. Fred Woka Nguve, Cameroon, Chairman UBSU COUNCIL 2009, President Faculty of SMS students' Association 2008
4. Prince Valentine Atabongankeng, Paris France, Delegate in charge of relations with Faculties and schools 2007/2008, Finance Bench Vice Chief 2006/2007, Gen. Organizer HESSA 2007/2008
5. Ngoe Thomas Itoe, Nigeria, President Faculty of Education Students' Association 2006/2007
6. Standly. C Tanjong, USA, Socio Cultural Officer UBSU 2008
7. Jude Dzevela, Canada Secretary General, Faculty of Science Student Association, 2008.., UBSU counselor 2007-2009
8. Marcel Amabo, Cameroon UBSU Secretary General 2006
9. Asaah Isidore, Cameroon, Secretary General /president UBSU May 2010-Jan 2011, Financial Secretary Health Science Students Association 2009
10. Emmanuel, S Ngwa., Nigeria (S.G, Faculty of Education Students' Association & Counsellor SRC-UBSU. 2006-2008),
11. Sul Idriss, Cameroon, UBSU Councillor 2004/2005
12.. Awah Jacques Chirac, Cameroon, Chief of Administrative Bench UBSU Council
13.. Nde Angelbert Nde; Cameroon, Chief of Judiciary Bench UBSU Council 2009, President Law Society
13. Helen Yogo, Sudan, UBSU Deputy President Academic Affairs, 2007/2008
14. Atanga Belmondo Achiri, South Africa, UBSU SG 2006/2007
15. Nkongho Ndip Nkongho, Cameroon, President Faculty of Education Students' Association 2008/2009
16. Afu Eugene, Cameroon, Deputy Chief of Judicial Bench UBSU Council, 2006/2007
17. Okie Hope, Cameroon, UBSU Councillor 2008/2009
18. Tata Kwawi Mbinglo, Cameroon, President UBSU 2010/2011
19. Nji Anyere, USA, UBSU legal Representative from the Law Society, 2006/2007
20. Humphrey Takang Bate, Cameroon, Chief of Audit Bench UBSU Council, 2006/2007
From: Ofege Ntemfac <ntemfacnchwete@gmail.com>
To: ambasbay <ambasbay@googlegroups.com>; FREE AMBAZONIANS <FREE_Ambazonians@yahoogroups.com>
Cc: SDF <cameroons_sdf_party@yahoogroups.com>; SCNC-NA (2009) <scncna@yahoogroups.com>; shesausa <shesausa@yahoogroups.com>; Southern Cameroon <southerncameroons@yahoogroups.com>; sceuadmin <sceuadmin@yahoogroups.com>; scmg-noticeboard <scmg-noticeboard@yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Wednesday, February 20, 2013 5:53 PM
Subject: [FREE AMBAZONIANS] Fwd: [AfricanTalk] #2: Re: The UN and the Case for the Southern Cameroons --- Union or DisUnion is Optional!
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From: "H.E. KUM Nelson Bame IV" nelson_bame@yahoo.com>
Date: Thu, 14 Feb 2013 15:27:51 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [AfricanTalk] #2: Re: The UN and the Case for the Southern
Cameroons --- Union or DisUnion is Optional!
To: cameroon_politics@yahoogroups.com, cameroonforum@yahoogroups.com,
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africantalk@yahoogroups.com, Menchum Worldwide
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The southern
Cameroons
(The British
English Cameroons)
(Article In Progress -unedited)
"An African
Experiment" in
Developments
and Hyper-Threads.
Abstract:
"Southern Cameroons" joins the "French Cameroons" in 1961 as a
United Federation with two different political and cultural identities with
intent of co-existing under a defined FEDERAL Union – not a Centralized
Dictatorship. It is clear across all
History that after WWII, the French and English Cameroon territories were two
different geo-political and separate STATES.
The UN does not constrain any aggregation of HUMANS to co-exist whereby
consistent mutual co-existence becomes absolultely impossible. Human
freedom as individuals or nations to
function as one entity or separate entities is the free WILL of the people in
question – not dictatorships. Is it
possible or impossible to remand the UNION?
Basic Answer: It is possible
to Break any UNION that is abortive from the inception, talkless of an abusive
and fruitless UNION.
Power is Given
and Power can be taken back. Sovereignty
is a possession of the People at any time and place under the sun.
The greatest looser is Africa as a
whole. Political Power is never
Sovereign without People and Spiritual/moral authority. If matters
and history is not quickly
redressed as a matter of most critical
essence and most urgency in the Cameroons, the nation is Africa's most
unpredictable time-bomb.
The gun has a
limit to power, the head has a limit to political oppression and the pen and
paper itself has a limited to issuance of laws and decrees that violate natural
and heavenly principles. And when the
time is ripe, the muscles of evil and dictatorships hidden from the world and
America will rise into the horizon over the rising sun, and its custodians will
neither delay nor hold back the Justice and hand of God on the Earth.
The very malignant socio-economic and political maladies
that are annihilating the core of common bond and respect/love for the
commonhood of a shared space (nation) in the Spirit of Integration and mutual
co-existence is that of three principal elements:
-
Two equal states come together for common Political
power sharing and Common Economic Interest but the French Cameroons team up
together in the most powerful places of administration and Finance &
Military and decides to conserve all influential military, financial and
administrative powers of the confederation of former Two African
states. The matter is made worse by materialistic
rationalists who for personal agrandizement and eternalization of power and
materials ruinously mismanage the entire territory at the metaphorphic
cost of LIVES,
health, most basic survival of economic needs and structural imbalances any
economic and political block has ever experienced within a period of over half
a century in the entire world, despite possessing the world's highest per
capita natural resource pool.
-
The second most terrible problem is a very small
cluster of henchmen from one Tribe inherited a dictarship which had a central
objective of forced national unity for common development and transformed it
into personal cash-cows with a merger of political and military powers that
have for over a quarter century turned a nation into a perpetual STATE of
Emergency with police, gendarmes, army and special military sects all over the
English Cameroon lands – such that in the event of any meetings, elections,
business development, or sensitive national discussions, such a repressive
force from an extremely centralized and heavily powerful presidency that
controls all arms of government in the modern age, sporadically arrests,
tortures, kills or destroys any Individual from the English Cameroons who
either intends to run for Presidency or unite the English
Cameroonians. An abysmal and systematized corruption which
FRANCE and the West has covered up very well, for the interest of a few
Enterprises in the Western World in the order of the day in French-managed
Cameroons. Such Corruption thrives and
perpetuates discrepancies and retrogression by allowing French Cameroonians to
steal in Billions of dollars and a handful English cameroonians to Steal and
embezzle in Millions of dollars. Such clustered force in the heart of
the Cameroons hold to heart that an English
Cameroonian can never have acess to strategic Administrative, Financial and
Military Positions. For over
half a century, despite domestic and multi-laterial actions and interventions,
the most fundamental problem of the Nation State of Cameroun( La Republique Du
Cameroon today) is the exploitation of the resources (including precious metals
and Oil) from the English Cameroons to develop the French Cameroons.
There is a massive disproportion in Real
Economic terms and language of Give-and-take of Resources-to-Development to and
from the English Cameroons. World Bank
loans have been secured in recent years thanks to leveraging from the OIL
Refinery, Plantations, and Basic Raw Materials, 70% or more of which
emmanated from
English Cameroons to Finance Airports, Stollen billions of USD and FF/Swiss
Francs at the continual degradation and demise of the lives and Economy of a
Southern Cameroons that once buoyantly possessed its own electrical power
house, its own currency, its own administrative and financial instruments, its
own military, its own airports and airstrips, its own Sea Port and Community
Owned plantations that have all been auctioned off. A colossal
destruction which is real terms
today equates or supercedes the destruction of World War II in monetary terms.
(Section to be continued)
UN Trusteeship Council
The Trusteeship Council, one of the main organs of the
United Nations, was established under Chapter XIII of the Charter to supervise
the administration of Trust Territories and to ensure that Governments
responsible for their administration took adequate steps to prepare them for
the achievement of the Charter goals.
The Charter authorizes the Trusteeship Council to examine
and discuss reports from the Administering Authority on the political,
economic, social and educational advancement of the peoples of Trust
Territories; to examine petitions from the Territories; and to undertake
special missions to the Territories.
To date, all Trust Territories have attained self-government
or independence, either as separate States or by joining neighbouring
independent countries. In 1994, the Security Council terminated the United
Nations Trusteeship Agreement for the last of the original 11 Territories on
its agenda - the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands (Palau), administered by
the United States.
The Trusteeship Council, by amending its rules of procedure,
will now meet as and where occasion may require.
----------------------------------------------------------
Southern Cameroons
seeks implementation of verdict on self-determination
about 2 days ago
http://www.theguardianmobile.com/readNewsItem1.php?nid=10707
THE citizens of Southern Cameroons, through their counsel,
Okoi Obono-Obla, have written to Nigeria's Attorney General of the Federation
and Minister of Justice, Mohammed Bello Adoke (SAN), urging the Federal
Government to immediately comply with the Consent Judgment in Suit No.
FHC/ABJ/CS/30/2002 of March 25, 2002, delivered by the former Chief Judge of
the Federal High Court, Justice Roseline Ukeje, which was in their favour.
The peoples of
Southern Cameroons, represented by Dr. Kevin Ngwang Gumni, Augustine Feh
Ndangam, Chief Ette Otun Ayamba, Prof. Victor Mlkwele Ngoi, Dr. Martin Ngeka,
Nfot Ngala Nfor, Hitler Mbinglo, Dogbima Henry, K Mundam, Simon Ninpa, Shey
Tafon, Paul Yiwir and Isaac Sona, had sued the Federal Government of Nigeria at
the Federal High Court, Abuja.
In the suit, the plaintiffs,
through their originating summons, urged the court to determine whether the
Union envisaged under the Southern Cameroon Plebiscite 1961 between La
Republique du Cameroun and Southern Cameroons legally took effect as
contemplated by the relevant United Nations Resolutions, particularly the
United Nations General Assembly Resolution 1352 (XIV) of October 16, 1959, and
United Nations Trusteeship Council Resolution 2013 (XXIV) of May 31, 1960.
They also want the
court to determine whether the termination by the Government of the United
Kingdom of its trusteeship over the Southern Cameroon on September 30, 1961,
without ensuring prior implementation of the constitutional arrangements under
which the Southern Cameroons and La Republique du Cameroun were to unite as one
federal state, was not in breach of Articles 3 and 6 of the Trusteeship
Agreement for the Territory of the Cameroons under British administration as
approved by the United Nations General Assembly on December 13, 1946, the
United Nations General Assembly Resolutions 1352 of October 16, 1959, 1608 of
April 2, 1961, the United Nations Trusteeship Council Resolution 2013 (XIV) of
May 31, 1960, and Article 76 (b) of the Charter of the United Nations.
The Southern
Cameroons also wants the court to determine whether the assumption of sovereign
powers on October 1, 1961, and the continued exercise of same by the government
of La Republique du Cameroun over Southern Cameroon after the termination by
the government of the United Kingdom of its trusteeship over the territory was
legal and valid when the union between Southern Cameroons and La Republique du
Cameroun contemplated by the Southern Cameroon Plebiscite 1961 had not legally
taken effect.
===============================================================
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Southern_Cameroons
Southern Cameroons
From Wikipedia, the
free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Not to be confused
with South Region (Cameroon).Southern Cameroons
Part of the Cameroons
← 1922–1961
→
Flag
The Southern
Cameroons now constitue the Northwest and Southwest Provinces of Cameroon.
Capital Buea
History
- British Mandate 1922
- Joined Cameroon October 1 1961
Area
- 1987 42,383
km2 (16,364 sq mi)
Population
- 1987 2,100,000
Density 49.5 /km2 (128.3 /sq mi)
Southern Cameroons was the southern part of the British
Mandate territory of Cameroons in West Africa. Since 1961 it is part of the
Republic of Cameroon, where it makes up the Northwest Region and Southwest
Region. Since 1994, pressure groups in the territory have sought independence
from the Republique of Cameroon (La Republique du Cameroun), and the Republic
of Ambazonia was formally declared by the Southern Cameroons Peoples
Organisation (SCAPO) on 31 August 2006.Contents
[hide]
1 League of Nations Mandate
2 Trust Territory
3 Independence movement
4 Bakassi Peninsula
5 See also
6 References
7 Sources and External links
[edit]
League of Nations Mandate
Following the Treaty of Versailles, the German territory of
Kamerun was formally divided on June 28, 1919 between a French and a British
League of Nations Mandate, the French, who had previously administered the
whole occupied territory, getting the larger. The French mandate was known as
Cameroun. The British mandate comprised two geographically separate
territories, Northern Cameroons and Southern Cameroons. They were administered
from, but not joined to, the British territory of Nigeria through the British
Resident (although some incumbents had the rank of District Officer, Senior
Resident or Deputy Resident) with headquarters in Buea.
Applying the principle of indirect rule, the British allowed
native authorities to administer populations according to their own traditions.
These also collected taxes, which were then paid over to the British. The
British devoted themselves to trade, and to exploiting the economic and mining
resources of the territory. South Cameroons students, including Emmanuel Mbela
Lifafa Endeley, created the Cameroons Youth League (CYL) on 27 March 1940, to
oppose what they saw as the exploitation of their country.
[edit]
Trust Territory
When the League of Nations ceased to exist in 1946, most of
the mandate territories were reclassified as UN trust territories, henceforth
administered through the UN Trusteeship Council. The object of trusteeship was
to prepare the lands for eventual independence. The United Nations approved the
Trusteeship Agreements for British Cameroons to be governed by Britain on 6
December 1946.
Southern Cameroons was divided in 1949 into two provinces:
Bamenda (capital Bamenda, hence also thus named) and Southern (capital Buea).
Yet the residential type of administration was continued with a single British
Resident at Buea, but in 1949 Edward John Gibbons was appointed Special
Resident, and on 1 October 1954, when political power shifted to the elected
government, succeeded himself as first of only two Commissioners.
Following the Ibadan General Conference of 1950, a new
constitution for Nigeria devolved more power to the regions. In the subsequent
election thirteen Southern Cameroonian representatives were elected to the
Eastern Nigerian House of Assembly in Enugu. In 1953, however, the Southern
Cameroons representatives, unhappy with the domineering attitude of Nigerian
politicians and lack of unity among the ethnic groups in the Eastern Region,
declared a "benevolent neutrality" and withdrew from the assembly. At a
conference in London from 30 July to 22 August 1953, the Southern Cameroons
delegation asked for a separate region of its own. The British agreed, and
Southern Cameroons became an autonomous region with its capital still at Buea.
Elections were held in 1954 and the parliament met on 1 October 1954, with
E.M.L. Endeley as Premier. As Cameroun and Nigeria prepared for Independence,
South Cameroons nationalists debated whether their best interests lay with
union with Cameroun, union with Nigeria or total independence. Endeley was
defeated in elections on 1 February 1959 by John Ngu Foncha.
The United Nations organised a plebiscite in the Cameroons
on 11 February 1961 which put two alternatives to the people: union with
Nigeria or union with Cameroun. The third option, independence, was opposed by
the UK representative to the UN Trusteeship Council, Sir Andrew Cohen, and as a
result was not put. In the plebiscite, Northern Cameroons voted for union with
Nigeria, and Southern Cameroons for union with (the formerly French) Cameroun.
[edit]
Independence movement
Flag of the
independence movement
Southern Cameroons became part of Cameroon on 1 October
1961. Foncha served as Prime Minister of West Cameroun and Vice-President of
the Federal Republic of Cameroun. However, the English-speaking peoples of the
Southern Cameroons (now West Cameroun) did not believe that they were fairly
treated by the French-speaking government of the country. Following a
referendum on 20 May 1972, a new constitution was adopted in Cameroun which
replaced the federal state with a unitary state. Southern Cameroons lost its
autonomous status and became the Northwest Province and Southwest Province of
the Republic of Cameroun. The Southern Cameroonians felt further marginalised.
Groups such as the Cameroon Anglophone Movement (CAM) demanded greater
autonomy, or independence, for the provinces.
Pro-independence groups claim that UN resolution 1608 21
April 1961, which required the UK, the Government of the Southern Cameroons and
Republic of Cameroun to engage in talks with a view to agreeing measures for
union of the two countries, was not implemented, and that the Government of the
United Kingdom was negligent in terminating its trusteeship without ensuring
that proper arrangements were made. They say that the adoption of a
federal constitution
by Cameroun on 1 September 1961 constituted annexation of South Cameroons.
Representatives of Anglophone groups convened the first All
Anglophone Conference (AAC1) in Buea from 2 April to 3 April 1993. The
conference issued the "Buea Declaration", which called for
constitutional amendments to restore the 1961 federation. This was followed by
the second All Anglophone Conference (AAC2) in Bamenda in 1994. This conference
issued the "Bamenda Declaration", which stated that if the federal state was
not restored within a reasonable time, Southern Cameroons would declare its
independence. The AAC was renamed the Southern Cameroons Peoples Conference
(SCPC), and later the Southern Cameroons Peoples Organisation (SCAPO), with the
Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC) as the executive governing body.
Younger activists formed the Southern Cameroons Youth League (SCYL) in Buea on
28 May 1995. The SCNC sent a delegation, led by John Foncha, to the United
Nations, which was received on 1 June 1995 and presented a petition against the
'annexation' of the Southern Cameroons by French Cameroun. This was followed by
a signature referendum the same year, which the organisers claim produced a 99%
vote in favour of independence with 315,000 people voting.[1]
Armed members of the SCNC took over the Buea radio station
in Southwest Province on the night of 30 December 1999 and in the early hours
of 31 December broadcast a tape of a proclamation of independence read by Judge
Ebong Frederick Alobwede.
Amnesty International has accused the Cameroun authorities
of human right violations against South Cameroons activists.
Complaint with the African Commission on Human and Peoples
Rights - Communication n° 266/2003:
On 9 January 2003, the Southern Cameroons National Council
(SCNC) and the Southern Cameroons Peoples Organisation (SCAPO) filed a
complaint with the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights against the
Republic of Cameroun (registered as Communication n° 266/2003 Re: Kevin Ngwane
Ngumne and Co., acting on their behalf and on behalf of SCNC/SCAPO and the
Southern Cameroons versus the State of Cameroon). Among other allegations, the
complainants alleged that the Republic of Cameroun is illegally occupying the
territory of Southern Cameroons. The Complainants alleged that the Republic of
Cameroon has violated Articles 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7(1), 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 17(1),
19, 20, 21, 22, 23(1), 24 of the African Charter.[2] The SCNC and SCAPO
ultimately seek the independence of the territory of Southern Cameroons.[3] In
a decision reached at its 45th Ordinary Session on May 27, 2009,[4] the African
Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights found that the Republic of Cameroun has
violated Articles 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, 7(1), 10, 11, 19 and 26 the Charter. The Human
Rights Commission determined that Articles 12, 13, 17(1), 20, 21, 22, 23(1) and
24 have not been violated.
The Human Rights Commission further recognized that under
the African Charter and broad international law, Southern Cameroons meets the
definition of a "people" under international law "because they
manifest numerous characteristics and affinities, which include a common
history, linguistic tradition, territorial connection, and political
outlook". The Human Rights Commission declared itself incompetent rationae
temporis, to rule on allegations that occurred prior to 18 December 1989, date
on which the African Charter came into force for the Respondent State (Republic
of Cameroun). Hence, the Human Rights Commission declared itself incompetent to
rule on the complainants' allegations with respect to events that occurred from
the 1961 United Nations plebiscite to 1972 when the Federal and Union
Constitutions were adopted to form the United Republic of Cameroon during which
the Complainants claim the Respondent State (Republic of Cameroun)
"...established its colonial rule there, complete with its structures, and
its administrative, military and police personnel, applying a system and
operating in a language alien to the Southern Cameroon." The Human Rights
Commission stated, however that, if the Complainants can establish that any
violation committed before 18 December 1989 continued thereafter, then the
Commission shall have competence to examine it.
The Human Rights Commission addressed the question, whether
the people of Southern Cameroons are entitled to the right to self
determination contextualizing the question by dealing, not with the 1961 UN
Plebiscite, or the 1972 Unification, but rather the events of 1993 and 1994 on
the constitutional demands vis-à-vis the claim for the right to self
determination of the Southern Cameroonian people. The Human Rights Commission
stated that to invoke Self Determination as prescribed by Article 20 the
African Charter, the Complainant must satisfy the Commission that the two
conditions under Article 20(2), namely oppression and domination have been met.
Based on events that occurred after December 18, 1989 the Human Rights
Commission noted that the Complainants have not demonstrated if these
conditions have been met to warrant invoking the right to self determination.
The Human Rights Commission also noted that in their submission, the Respondent
State (Republic of Cameroun) implicitly accepted that self determination may be
exercisable by the Complainants on condition that they establish cases of
massive violations of human rights, or denial of participation in public
affairs.
The Human Rights Commission noted that autonomy within a
sovereign state is acceptable, in the context of self government, confederacy,
or federation, while preserving the territorial integrity of a State party, can
be exercised under the African Charter.
The Human Rights Commission recommended that the Respondent
State (Republic of Cameroun) should among other things enter into constructive
dialogue with the Complainants, and in particular, SCNC and SCAPO to resolve
the constitutional issues, as well as grievances.
[edit]
Bakassi Peninsula
Following the International Court of Justice ruling of 10
October 2002 that sovereignty over the Bakassi peninsula rested with Cameroon,
SCAPO claimed that Bakassi was in fact part of the territory of Southern
Cameroons. In 2002, SCAPO took the Nigerian government to the Federal High
Court in Abuja to require it to take a case before the International Court of
Justice to establish the right of the people of the Southern Cameroons to
self-determination. The court ruled in their favour on 5 March 2002. On 14
August 2006 Nigeria formally handed over the Bakassi peninsula to Cameroon.
SCAPO responded by proclaiming the independence of the Republic of Ambazonia,
to include the territory of Bakassi.[5]
Southern Cameroons is a member of the Unrepresented Nations
and Peoples Organization (UNPO) since 2005 and a charter member of the
Organization of Emerging African States (OEAS).
[edit]
See also
Ambazonia
Bakassi
Anglophone Cameroonian
[edit]
References
^ Southern Cameroons Peoples Organisation website
^ African Charter
^ "Southern Cameroons: The Banjul Communiqué".
Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization. 2005-05-23. Retrieved
2009-04-27.
^ Google docs
^ The Proclamation of Independence of the Republic of
Ambazonia
[edit]
Sources and External links
SCNC website
WorldStatesmen- Cameroon
http://www.scncforsoutherncameroons.net/index.php?limitstart=20
Mr. Chairman,
Dear Compatriots,
Standing here on behalf of the Leaders Conclave and on
behalf of millions of our suffering people back in our homeland, Southern
Cameroons, and those who for circumstances beyond their control have fled
abroad, it is an honour to me to be in your midst.
Firstly I want to salute your wisdom and courage for not
only having given birth to the WFN, but above all for keeping it alive for
these five challenging years.
Secondly believing that your patriotic spirit has inspired
you to meet here to look back to 2006 when the WFN was born with legitimate
ambition and given a name of hope, hope not for self but for the people it was
born to serve, I wish to submit that your meeting is indeed timely and
challenging.
Read more...
We Are Southern
Cameroonians, Activists Tell Court
Wednesday, 08 June
2011 15:24 Reporter
E-mail
Monday, June 06, 2011
Culled from thPostWebEdition.com
The Tiko Court room, June 1, was unusually jammed to
capacity and spilled over onto the verandas where stood multitudes of anxious
members of the public, who spent well over seven hours on their feet, peering
through the windows, to witness the trial of some 24 Southern Cameroons
National Council, SCNC, activists.
Last Updated on
Wednesday, 08 June 2011 15:28
Read more...
Memorandum From The
Southern Cameroons National Council
Thursday, 19 May 2011
13:54 Reporter
E-mail
MEMORANDUM FROM THE SOUTHERN CAMEROONS NATIONAL COUNCIL
(SCNC) TO HER MAJESTY'S GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED KINGDOM ON THE BOTCHED
DECOLONISATION OF THE UN TRUST TERRITORY OF BRITISH SOUTHERN CAMEROONS: AN
APPEAL FOR URGENT MEDIATION, By Chief AYAMBA E.O., National Chairman, SCNC.
The British Southern Cameroons, a former United Nations
Trust Territory under the SACRED TRUST of Her Majesty's Government has been a
long time victim of annexation and colonial occupation by La Republiqué du
Cameroun for nearly five decades consequent upon imperfect de-colonisation of
the territory in October 1961.
Last Updated on
Thursday, 19 May 2011 14:54
Read more...
SCAPO Exhorts UN To Decolonise Southern
Cameroons
Tuesday, 03 May 2011
13:42 Reporter
E-mail
Southern Cameroons People's Organisation, SCAPO,
International Coordinator, Professor Martin Ayong Ayim, has said their current
efforts are geared towards getting the United Nations to completely decolonise
the former British Southern Cameroons to prevent unnecessary bloodshed.
"I firmly believe that the United Nations and United
Kingdom erred in the termination of the UN Trusteeship of Southern Cameroons in
violation of all UN Articles and Resolutions, notably; UN Art. 102 (I, II), UN
Res 1608 (XV), UN RES. 1514 (XV) of Dec. 14, 1960, and UN Art. 76(b), Prof.
Ayong Ayim told The Post in an online interview.
Last Updated on
Tuesday, 03 May 2011 13:44
Read more...
Occupation Forces of
LRC Begin Heavy Crackdown on SCNC Activists ahead....
Wednesday, 27 April
2011 20:51 Reporter
E-mail
Normal 0 false false
false EN-US X-NONE X-NONE
While the Pro-consuls of La Republique du Cameroun are
intensifying efforts to intoxicate, manipulate and brainwash Southern
Cameroonians to turn up en-mass and celebrate May 20th which is our dooms-day
and 1st October which they call "Re-unification" day, firm instructions
have been issued by
the Biya regime to commence a heavy crackdown exercise on SCNC activists to
deter them from their God-given right to self-determination. To that effect,
fifteen SCNC activists ranging between the ages of 39 and 80 years were on the
20th of April
THE LEGAL ARGUMENT FOR SOUTHERN CAMEROON INDEPENDENCE
SC Workshop – Bamenda
11 February 2005
Presented by Germanus
Dounge
Introduction:
"An annexed people is
always for a king or an Emperor a matter of complex problems for his own people
are always divided on the annexation like the annexed people themselves: he
always has sleepless nights over them until the annexed people free themselves
by sword or by negotiation, for the ashes of annexation are never completely
cold"
Michiavelo Machiaveli
The problem which has
been existing between the Southern Cameroons and La Republique du Cameroun
since 1961 has been given many improper names:
i. Marginalization
(political, economic, social, cultural, and linguistic);
ii. Lack of democracy
in the domain of elections;
iii. Bad governance;
iv. Non-accommodation
of Anglo-French bilingualism on the grounds of the
French domino theory;
v. Dictatorship;
vi. Lack or imbalance
of Affectio societatis between Southern Cameroonians and camerounais;
vii. Annexation
The last name,
annexation, is the appropriate name: the first six have been in use since 1972;
but annexation has been in use only since the peoples of the Southern Cameroons
started their struggle for liberation in 1982 with the meetings of elites of
the North-West and South-West provinces in Douala. These meetings served as the
nucleus of what was to later to become the CAMEROON ANGLOPHONE MOVEMENT (CAM) in
December 1991.
CAM later transmuted
to the SOUTHERN CAMEROONS RESTORATION MOVEMENT (SCARM) in July 1996. CAM
popularized the name, annexation, in its information bulletin called CAM Forum
No. 2. Annexation is the appropriate name because it is justified in
international law. The other names can be justified only in domestic law, that
is, within the framework of a national constitution.
To justify the
current struggle for independence for the Southern Cameroons and win the
sympathy of the international community, SCARM all along has been focusing on
the international status of the Southern Cameroons by exposing, explaining and
upholding the struggle within the framework of international law. This has been
done in four sections:
Section 1 – The physical
and legal birth of the Southern Cameroons under international law;
Section 2 – The
international legal existence of the Southern Cameroons from 1919 to 1946 under
the Leagus of Nations;
Section 3 – The
international legal existence of the Southern Cameroons from 13 December 1946
to 1961 under United Nations Trusteeship;
Section 4 – The
international legal existence of the Southern Cameroons from its annexation on
1st October 1961 to the expected independence.
THE LEGAL ARGUMENT IN INTERNATIONAL LAW FOR INDEPENDENCE FOR
THE SOUTHERN CAMEROONS.
SECTION 1
The Physical and
Legal Birth of the Southern Cameroons under International Law.
The German colony of
KAMERUN was lying between the British colony of NIGERIA and the French colonies
of Tchad, Oubangui-chari, Congo and Gabon. At the outbreak of the First World
War in 1914 the British West African Frontier Forces from The Gambia, Sierra-
Leone, Ghana (the Gold Coast) and Nigeria gathered at Ikom in Nigeria under the
command of General CHARLES C. DOBELL. These British colonial troops entered the
German colony of Kamerun and fought their first battle with German colonial
troops commanded by Colonel Zimmermann at SANAKANG. The French colonial troops
from Tchad, Oubangui-Chari, Congo and Gabon, under the command of General
Joseph AYMERICH, entered KAMERUN to fight the German troops. The war lasted
from 1914 till 1918 with the defeat of the German troops in Kamerun.
The British troops
from the west and the French troops from the east had penetrated right inside
the colony by 1916. The British Secretary for the Colonies, Alfred MILNER and
the French Minister for the Colonies and Navy, Henri SIMON, realizing that
their combined troops were about to capture German KAMERUN, drew a line in 1916
to partition the German colony between Britain and France. As the war
progressed, Alfred MILNER and Henri SIMON signed an agreement to confirm the
line in 1917: the agreement became known as the SIMON – MILNER AGREEMENT which
shared the German colony of KAMERUN into two sectors for Britain in the West
and for France in the East.
When the map of the
partition was sent from London to General Charles C. Dobell, he unexpectedly
rejected the map, sent it back to London in protest on grounds that the
partition of the land from the sea – Tiko through Misselele to Muyuka - is the
area where he lost many of his men, and that land had been put in the French
Sector according to the map; so he could never accept it; that that piece of
land must be in the British Sector.
London rejected
Dobell's argument and refused to modify the map: Dobell threatened to fight the
French troops which were already camping in the disputed area. Realising the
seriousness of Dobell's threat, London gave in and modified the map to include
the disputed area in the British Sector as requested by Dobell. Dobell was
later accused by the British of rebellion and insubordination and sent on
punitive transfer to Rawalpindi in India (Rawalpindi is today in Pakistan).
The war ended in 1918
with the defeat of Germany and the partition of the German colony of KAMERUN.
Britain and France set up administrations in their respective sectors. In 1919
Britain, France and Germany signed the Versailles Peace Treaty at LE PALAIS DES
GALERIES DES GLACES (Versailles – France) on 28 July 1919. This treaty
confirmed the Simon – Milner Agreement of 1916: and this was the physical and
Legal Birth of the Southern Cameroons in international law binding Britain,
France and Germany, and eye-witnessed by the United States.
It should be noted
that during the war, the United States which had refused to fight alongside
France and Britain when contacted, sold war materials to Britain and France
according to the "Buy and Carry Act" passed by the US Congress as a diplomatic
way of assisting Britain. "Buy and Carry Act" meant you buy them in cash.
According to President Woodrow Wilson "we sell arms to you and you carry them
away at once in one shipment to where you want and to do what you want".
When contacted to
sign the Versailles Peace Treaty as a big power, Woodrow Wilson refused on the
grounds that "we have not been defeated nor have we won in a war we have only
heard of; but we should seat at Versailles as an observer". The Versailles
Peace Treaty, an international treaty, made the Simon – Milne Agreement
boundary the permanent international boundary between the Southern Cameroons
and La Republique du Cameroun du premier janvier 1960.
SECTION 2
The First Specific International Status of the Southern
Cameroons within International Boundaries.
Before the formation
of the League of Nations, the international boundary of the Southern Cameroons
on its eastern border was the one recognised by the Versailles Peace Treaty: on
its western border, the international boundary was the one recognised by the
Anglo – German Treaty of 1913. The League of Nations was founded as an
international organisation to promote, maintain and keep peace around the
world. As manager of international peace, the League of Nations put all the
territories of German colonies captured during the war under a system of
Mandatory Administration to mandated powers. Britain – France - Belgium became
Mandatory Powers respectively for British Cameroons, Tanganyika, Papua New
Guinea, British Togoland; French Cameroun, French Togo; Rwanda – Burundi.
The Southern
Cameroons was given an international status in 1922 as a League of Nations
Mandated Territory under British Administration. In 1931, the League of Nations
requested Britain and France to landmark the international boundary between the
British Cameroons and French Cameroun.
So on 9 January 1931,
the "Cameroons boundary Commission" met in London. Under the supervision of the
League of Nations. Administrators of the British Cameroons and those of French
Cameroun landmarked the international boundary by building concrete cement
pillar marks along the boundary: each landmark was the object of a specific
topographic document which was co-signed by the Administrators of both
countries.
SECTION 3
The Illegitimate and
Illegal claim of Sovereignty over the Territory of the Southern Cameroons by La
Republique du Cameroun on the grounds that the German colony of Kamerun (
Camereroes) became a German colony in 1884 by a Treaty signed between the
German Consul GUSTAV NAGHTIGAL and the Kings of Douala.
That German colony
comprised the current territory of La Republique du Cameroun and the British
Cameroons; but the territory of German Kamerun has gone through a number of
changes of its original boundaries over time. It is known that Germany, under
Chancellor Von Bismark went out later for colonies because Von Bismark had in
the past told the Reishtag (Parliament): "I do not need colonies". But Bismark,
pressured by Von Papin, decided later to get colonies especially in Africa. So
Germany wanted the area from Tangiers to Casablanca in the northern part of
Morocco, a French colony.
The military governor
of Morocco, General Lyanty, bitterly opposed the German request. France and
Germany quarreled over Tangiers – Casablanca; and in order to settle the
dispute, France preferred to offer land to Germany in the heart of Africa where
France had many large colonies: Gabon, Congo, Oubangui – Chari, Tchad. France's
move was probably due to the fact that those four colonies were governed by
civilian governors who, of course, were more amenable than a military governor
like General Lyanty in Morocco, Biaut –Willaumez in Gabon, Saborgnan de Brazzo
(an Italian) in Congo, Captain Lomy in Oubangui – Chari, and Reverend Father
Foureau in Tchad. Germany accepted France's offer first by a treaty on 4
November 1911.
A portion of Tchad
and a portion of Congo were joined to the German colony. By a treaty on 1st
October 1912, a portion of Northern Gabon was joined to Kamerun. On 1st February
1913, a very large portion of western Oubangui – Chari was joined to Kamerun.
So France expanded the territory of German Kamerun by 275,000 square kilometers
before the outbreak of the war in 1914. By the effect of war, the expanded
German Kamerun was shared between Britain and France.
France and the
Returned Lands from the expanded German Kamerun.
Two factors were at
play:
1. The Mandate of the
League of Nations;
2. The bitter
protests of the populations of the portions of French colonies which were
attached to the original German Kamerun less than five years earlier.
France took over its
portion of the divided German Kamerun in a very brutal manner, especially by
forcefully suppressing the German language. The French-speaking populations who
were joined to German Kamerun soon tabled two complaints: first, that war was
never fought in the areas they inhabited as it was in the German-speaking area;
that they did not yet speak German well; secondly, that they were not colonized
by the Germans; that they willingly collaborated with the French troops against
German troops. So, considering all those complaints, France returned to its
colonies their respective portions of territory she ceded to Germany by
treaties. So the Mandate given to France was applied on its original portion of
German Kamerun, that is, the current territory of La Republique du Cameroun
since 1916.
La Republique du
Cameroun cannot legally claim the territory of the Southern Cameroons; La
Republique du Cameroun has been claiming it as part of German Kamerun. How can
a war booty believe that it is the father or mother of a twin war booty? The
Southern Cameroons and La Republique du Cameroun are both monozygotic twins
(from one egg) of the First World War. ( c/f: London – Cameroons Boundaries
Commission – State Treaties Series No. CMD / 3639 / 03 – 9 January 1931).
SECTION 4
The International Legal Existence of Southern Cameroons from
13 December 1946 till 1st October 1961.
After the Yalta
Conference in 1944 - (Stalin (Soviet Union)– Franklin Delano Roosevelt (USA) –
Orlando (Italy) – Winston Churchill (Britain) - the U.N.O. was formed on 24
October 1945 at San Francisco to replace the League of Nations. On 13 December
1946, the U.N.O. created its Trusteeship Council by UNGAR 63-111 to replace the
Mandates System of the defunct League of Nations. By the same Resolution 63-111
of 13 December 1946, the UN appointed Britain – France – Belgium – Australia –
New Zealand Administering Authorities for the same territories over which there
had been mandated powers of the defunct League of Nations. The same day, 13
December 1946, the U.N.O. signed Trusteeship Agreements with each Administering
Authority for the former Mandated Territories. By these Agreements the former
Mandated Territories became known as UN Trust Territories under the
Administration of the Administering Authority.
The UN and Britain
signed the Trusteeship Agreement No Document A / 152 / REV2 for the British
Cameroons; and No. Document A / 155 / REV2 for La Republique du Cameroun
The Southern
Cameroons then had its second specific international legal status as a UN Trust
Territory. From 13 December 1946 the Southern Cameroons enjoyed its new
international legal status through numerous UNGA Resolutions till 1st October
1961. The most important UN Resolutions on the Southern Cameroons in
chronological order are:
* Resolution 338 – XI
banning public corporal punishment within the territory: from this resolution,
the popular 25 lashes were henceforth given as punishment inside a house, no
more in the public view.
• Resolution 224 –
111 on the Administrative Union between adjacent UN Trust Territories under the
same Administering Authority (see Nigeria and the Southern Cameroons as part of
the Eastern Region of Nigeria till 1959 with Dr. E.M.L. Endeley as Prime
Minister).
• Resolution 1282 –
X111 of 13 July 1958 with British Report T./ 93 on the progress towards
independence.
* Resolution 1350 –
XIV on the principle of a plebiscite in the Southern Cameroons.
• Resolution 1352 –
XIV of 16 October 1959 organizing the plebiscite in both Northern and Southern
British Cameroons.
• Resolution 1608 –
XV of 21 April 1961 on the independence and union with La Republique du
Cameroun.
SECTION 5
The Plebiscites of 11 and 12 February 1961
Definition of plebiscite:
It is a vote to
confirm a decision which has already been taken: in case of a YES vote, the
decision is maintained; in case of a NO vote, the decision should be called off
and the process may be re-launched. But the Southern Cameroons plebiscite was
not a de jure confirmation of the two questions put at the plebiscite. Any YES
vote was a mere wish for union; it was due to have any legal effect only as it
was later specified by Resolution 1608 –XV of 21 April 1961. So the YES vote
for union with La Republique du Cameroun was not legally binding.
Already Resolution
1352 – XIV categorically stated in its paragraph 6:
"the Administering
Authority should take steps to separate the Administration of the Southern
Cameroons from that of Nigeria not later than 1st October 1960".
This paragraph put La
Republique du Cameroun and Nigeria on an equal footing so that on 1st October
1960, the day fixed by the UN for independence for Nigeria, L a Republique du
Cameroun and Nigeria had no legal link with the Southern Cameroons. This put a
legal end to the Administrative union according to Resolution 224.
By contrast, a
referendum is a vote to authorize to take a decision to do something: the two
procedures are not substitutive. The 1961 plebiscite was a vote on a projected
legal union whose legal treaty was due to be worked out as prescribed by
Resolution 1608.
SECTION 6
The Debate on Resolution 1608 – XV at the UNGA on 21st April
1961
The Draft Resolution
was proposed by India (IYA JAIPAL and Chrishna MENON)
-Chairman 14th
General Assembly: Lambertin Dinar (Indonesia)
-Chairman of the
Southern Cameroons item 13 and 41: Adnan PACHASI (Iraq)
-Vice – Chairman:
Miss Silvia Shelton Villalien (Cuba)
-Djabal Abdo (Iran),
Plebiscite Commissioner (seating with consultative status).
Take note that the
vote was in three stages:
Round 1: Termination
of the Trusteeship Agreement for the Southern Cameroons.
Round 2: Independence
and its date.
Round 3: The Treaty
and form of union between the Southern Cameroons and La Republique du Cameroun.
The chairman opened
the Debate by putting to vote the entire Resolution 1608 as drafted by the team
chaired by M. Stravoulopos; and it was accepted by acclamation..
The chairman then put
to vote the Rounds with the following results:-
- Round 1: 50 YES votes, 6 NO votes, 12 abstentions;
- Round 2: 50 YES
votes, 6 NO votes, 12 abstentions;
- Round 3: Union in
the form of a United Federal Republic of Cameroons [Cameroons in the plural (2
Cameroons: La Republique du Cameroun and the Southern Cameroons)]: 50 YES
votes, 21 NO votes, 6 abstentions as specified in paragraph B.
THE TREATY OF UNION:
A constitutional
conference to be held to draft or workout an international Legal Treaty for the
projected union with the assistance of Britain, the Southern Cameroons, La
Republique du Cameroun, three experts in Constitutional and Administrative law.
This Treaty of Union could legally validate the YES vote retroactively.
According to the Law on Treaties (that is their legal system), the draft
constitution must be approved by both parliaments of La Republique du Cameroun
and the Southern Cameroons by a Vote of Acceptance after first and second
readings to the House by the Speaker; readings during which probable questions
on the sensitive points would be asked and answered as well as the
psychological, semantics and syntaxes in the draft.
If it is rejected,
the work on these points must be done again satisfactorily. If it is accepted,
it can be debated on its legal implications. After the debate, it can be
ratified, meaning that it is good. Then a length of time is set for reflection
on it; then after that time, it can be signed, making it internationally
binding in international law.
SECTION 7
Federation:
There two kinds of federation: aggregative and segregative
A Segregative
Federation is a mode of governance by a sovereign state to resolve political,
economic or cultural problems within the state – it is not recognized in
international law – its members are generally called autonomous regions,
provinces or districts: they are not states as defined by the international
law. And in international law they cannot quit the federation because they are
an integral part of the national territory.
An Aggregative
Federation is the form of federation the Southern Cameroons voted for in the
1961 plebiscite – it is formed by sovereign states which have internationally
recognised boundaries. Although the Southern Cameroons was not a sovereign and
independent state, at the time of the plebiscite, it had its international
legal status as a UN Trust Territory which allowed the Southern Cameroons to
form an aggregative federation with La Republique du Cameroun. That
was the reason
why the UN could not simply ask the Southern Cameroons at the plebiscite to
integrate itself into La Republique du Cameroun.
It was on this legal
ground that the UN envisioned the workout of a Treaty of Union for the
projected federation according to the international law on Treaties. So one
wonders why La Republique du Cameroun calls the Southern Cameroons a province
of its territory. Members of an aggregative federation are called Federated
States: each of them has the right to quit the federation. Examples of
aggregative federations are: Federation of the Federated States of Micronesia
in the South Pacific, Senegal / Gambia. The majority of federations around the
world are segregative federations: Brazil, India, Nigeria, Argentina,
Australia, Germany, etc.
SECTION 8
The Foumban Conference: How it took place (c/f la Duperie du
Foumban).
"As the Anglophones
were given only three days to study the constitution that sealed their fate" .
Foumban is a calm,
sunny and beautiful town, where Ahmadou Ahidjo used to go to for relaxation
because of his twin friendship between Sultan Seidou and Arouna Njoya.
According to eye-witnesses at the time, Foumban was an island of peace in a
environment where terror reigned in the midst of an armed rebellion. Despite
the enormous means in men and materials put at the disposal of the regular
army, it was not easy for it to crush the rebellion led by the National
Liberation Army of Cameroun, the armed wing of the UPC.
In the two weeks
leading up to the Foumban Conference, it was reported that more than one
hundred people had been killed by terrorists in Loum, Bafang, Ndom and Douala.
The echoes of these killings rapidly spread across the Mungo and seriously
worried a large number of unification advocates there. On several occasions,
Foncha had to publicly express his worries; on July 3, 1961 in Douala he made
the following appeal: "Those who are killing should return to legality and work
for the greatness of this country".
In that climate of
high insecurity in the country, Ahidjo was very much worried about how to
reassure the leaders of the Southern Cameroons; so in deciding on the choice of
Foumban as venue for the conference, Ahidjo thereby wanted to prove to those
leaders that he was the master of peace. But Ahidjo's choice was not completely
without risks. Indeed Sultan Seidou and the traditional council of the Bamoun
people have always been on the side of legality; but it should be remembered
that Felix-Roland Moumie, a son of the soil, was one of the front leaders of
the UPC, and as such , he had won many hearts over to the UPC cause; and he had
even succeeded in introducing the doctrine of the UPC into the Sultan's palace
through one Mekou Samuel who was not only a friend but also the private
secretary to the Sultan. Mekou Samuel had joined the UPC in the early days of
its launching.
Even though the
Koutaba military camp was there to reassure whoever, "the terrorists" of ANLK
had proven that they mastered the field and could carry out any audacious attack
wherever as was confirmed by the recent killing of the SDO, Albert Khong,
through the complicity of DO Samuel Njouma.
In order to curb the
infiltration of terrorists into Bamoun country, the authorities had tightened
preventive security measures: after a short period of relative calm, a curfew
was reinforced in all the administrative units around Foumban effective from
the beginning of July. A stern communiqué issued by the prefet of Mbouda on
July 3, 1961 to the populations that were used to violating the curfew warned
that nobody should be found outdoors from 10pm to 5am in the Mbouda urban area,
and from 7pm to 10pm in the assembling campus in the area of Bamboutos (camps
commando); that from 6.30pm, only the vehicles of the administrative
authorities,
army and police were allowed to move. These same measures were taken in bafang,
Bangante and Dschang.
On July 6, 1961 at
the end of his tour in "Bamileke country", the minister of justice pledged to
the administrative authorities that " he will inform the head of state about
the encouraging feeling of the population about the very efficient fight
against terrorism by the authorities". The much publicised tranquillity and
serenity and the paradisaical locality of Foumban was all fake. Of the
date of 16
July 1961, only the people of the inner circle, like the minister of interior,
Arouna njoya, knew that Foumban was nothing but an entrenched camp.
Introductions on preparations for the Conference
By all indications,
one can believe that the principle to hold the constitutional conference in
Foumban was adopted in the aftermath of the plebiscite of 11-12 February 1961
in the Southern Cameroons. Watch out! The Sultan of Foumban, Seidou Njoya, was
one of the very few dignitaries who were at the Yaounde airport on March 3,
1961 to welcome Foncha who had come to brief Ahidjo on the outcome of the
plebiscite. Five weeks later, precisely between 11 and 13 APRIL 1961, Ahidjo
received in his palace, one after another, Njoya Arouna, and the nephew of the
latter, Sultan Seidou Njoya of Foumban – since then, these three personalities,
even before all of them died, people have always been tight lipped about the
agenda of their meeting; but one may guess that the guidelines of the proposed
constitutional conference were discussed during the underground meetings of the
trio – Ahidjo – Seidou – Arouna. In fact, soon after that meeting, Yaounde
(Ahidjo) sent strict instructions to the administrative authorities in the
Bamoun country about the big projected event.
Without boasting his
double capacity as eye-witness and as sous prefet of Foumban at that time,
Emmanuel Njoya recounts the story as if it took place just two days ago. Let us
listen to Emmanuel Njoya, now 92 years old, who was the sous-prefet of Foumban
in 1961; hear him:
" I became an
administrative authority in 1955 as assistant DO of Foumban; from 1959 to 1963,
I was the sous-prefet of the same town. Two months before the opening of the
conference, the prefet, Jean-Marcel Mengueme, and myself were instructed and
trusted with the organisation of the conference.
So while waiting for
the politicians to come in for business, the prefet and the sous-prefet had to
resolve the tedious problem of accommodation, feeding and transport of
delegates as well as the animation of Foumban during the six days of the
conference; decent houses hosting functionaries were requested; big farmers
likeLaurent Guerpillon, Andre Blanc, Trolier et Charles Ock Dopher were
solicited and contributed by putting at our disposal either a vehicle or a
beautiful house; this local contribution was meagre compared to the huge means
that were sent from Yaounde. As I must speak the truth, we cajoled, lured and
enticed the Anglophones by our way of welcoming them; we were given so many
things to prepare for the conference----- with all these things at our
disposal, we lured the Anglophones.
Ahidjo and Foncha
were accommodated in the Sultan's palace where the Sultan himself took care of
them. As concerns the others, we were given a special assignment to blindfold
them: so each delegate had a refrigerator in his room, which was always full of
champagnes and other assorted drinks; each big one among them had two
refrigerators in his room, had a well-made bed with the most beautiful and
expensive mattress and beddings. In addition, there were two beautiful girls
who were assigned to permanently take care of him. These are the things which
normally should not be told- these girls were instructed to permanently take
care of our guests--that was real corruption-corruption has always existed- it
has not started today..but at that time, it was not corruption for selfish
interests as it is today..at the time it was good corruption to build the
country.
As for the agenda of
the activities, it included ballroom dances every evening throughout the week;
cocktails followed by ballroom dances in Auberge de Foumban, prefet's
residence, sous-prefet's residence, Dr. Herve's residence; these were the
logistics put in place when the delegations set foot on the soil of Foumban on
July 16, 1961.
Arrival of delegations
First to arrive was
the delegation of La republique du Cameroun du premier janvier 1960, headed by
Ahmadou Ahidjo: it comprised Charles Assale (premier minister), Charles Okala
(minister des affaires etrangeres), Josue Tetang (Secretaire d'Etat a
l'Information), Christian Tobie Kuoh (Secretaire general du minister des
Affaires etrangeres), the Guinea-Conakry-born Cheick Kekou Sissoko (chef du
Secretariat particulierd'Ahmadou Ahidjo). Arouna Njoya(, Minister of interior,
had been come ahead of the delegation to supervise the preparations for the
conference.
The delegation of the
Southern Cameroons left Tiko by a twin engine plane on the same 16 July 1961
and landed at Koutaba; as soon as it landed, the delegation left for Foumban by
road where they arrived in the afternoon in the midst of an immense and
enthusiastic crowd. It was made up of John Ngu Foncha, Emmanuel Liffaffe
Endeley, Augustine Ngom Jua, Solomon Tandeng Muna, Nerius Namasso Mbile, John
Bokwe, Bernard Fonlon; ten KNDP members, five CPNC members and two Ok members,
and traditional rulers. At night fall, the delegation, still very tired after
the long tedious journey from Tiko to Foumban, found solace for their tiredness
by joining the immense crowd in singing and drinking; the ceremony was animated
by Orchestre Irenee and Victor Priso band at the Auberge de Foumban.
The next day, 17 July
1961, the delegates, highly spirited, moved into the premises of the Cours
complementaire (Teachers Training college). Consecutive speeches from Ahidjo,
Foncha and Endeley lauded the singular opportunity for the come together.
Endeley, leader of the opposition who had threatened to raise one hundred
thousand men to break away and join Nigeria during the plebiscite campaigns,
had already forgotten about that threat.
Opening the Conference by Ahidjo on July 17, 1961
Ahidjo, standing by
the edge of a very long table covered with a green cloth, opened the
constitutional conference that brought together the delegates of la Republique
du Cameroun and those of the Southern Cameroons which was still a UN Trust
Territory evolving towards the termination of the Trusteeship Agreement and
independence. Ahidjo said: "The Bamoun country which I have chosen to host this
conference, and whose chief, Sultan Seidou, is our friend whom I warmly thank
for welcoming us so heartily, is a country where one would like to go for rest
and relaxation". This is how Ahidjo justified his choice of Foumban as the
venue for the conference.
Soon after the
speeches, the trust and confidence of the Southern Cameroons delegation was
rudely shattered by Ahidjo: to the surprise of the Southern Cameroons
delegates, Ahidjo rudely requested them to make their observations on the Draft
constitution. "Which constitution?" Southern Cameroons delegates shouted! They
had thought that they had come to Foumban together with Ahidjo's delegation in
order to jointly draft a constitution for the future federal united state. They
were very embarrassed to learn that the drtaft constitution had been handed to
Foncha for screening and studying long ago; but Foncha kept the Document
secret.
The All Party
Conference that held in Bamenda a month earlier had been the occasion to screen
and debate the Ahidjo draft constitution. Mbile said: " We have the feeling
that we have waisted our time coming to Foumban for the draft to be tabled to
us for our observations in this way. This is in total contradiction to our
expectations; instead of a draft confederal constitution, we are being
requested to make observations on a draft highly centralised constitution with
unlimited powers; members of the CPNC delegation can now understand what Foncha
meant when he said in the Akwa meeting hall in Douala on 13 July 1961: "the
goals of the struggle have been completely achieved".
Ngom Jua's angry
surprise seemed to indicate that even within the KNDP everybody was not aware
of the handing of the draft constitution to Foncha. Bitter protests erupted
from all round: the protesting Southern Cameroons delegation demanded that they
should be given three more weeks to study the draft. They recalled the
constitutional conferences of London in 1953, 1957, and 1958, each of them
having lasted for at least three weeks.
Endeley warned: "Too
much haste would have far-reaching consequencies on the people of the
Cameroons".
Ngom Jua screamed: "I
have never seen people expected to write a constitution in two days!"
The tense atmosphere
of unhappiness and protests caused one journalist to write: " political
observers are wondering if it is really here in Foumban in this rowdy
atmosphere that the guidelines of a federal constitution are going to be
effectively drawn".
Finally, just after
the mid-day meal, the Southern Cameroons delegation sat down to work in
studying the Ahidjo draft constitution. The atmosphere was kafkaienne: counting
on their experience gained during the constitutional conferences in London and
Lagos (Lugard, MacPherson, Littleton constitutions) the Southern Cameroons
delegates worked really hard on the Draft brought to them from Yaounde. While
they were working in anger, distrust and suspicion, the francophones were
relaxing calmly as they had spent months to draft the constitution with the
assistance of French experts in constitutional law.
The atmosphere of the
workshop was often rowdy; from time to time delegates shouted in protest and in
anger. According to Namasso Mbile, Foncha, feeling guilty for having deprived
his colleagues of the opportunity to study the draft at the All Party
Conference in Bamenda, adapted a low profile throughout the working session.
On Thursday night,
the Southern Cameroons delegation handed the report of their work to the
francophone side: the report contained amendments demanded by the Foncha
delegation on the following points:
1. The Flag.
2. National Anthem.
3. Motto
4. Federal Capital to
be in Douala.
5. Electoral maturity
at 21.
6. Secret ballot.
7. Powers and
attributions of the federal president.
8. Presidential
mandates limited to two.
9. A federal assembly
made up of a national assembly and a senate.
10. Double
nationality.
11. Primary and
Higher education system.
12. Cancellation of
the word INDIVISIBLE from the constitution.
Unification
The next day, Friday,
July 21, 1961, the last plenary session was opened by Ahidjo with fanfare and
festivities as many traditional dance groups from all over Bamoun country had
been converging at Njinka since dawn , and the festivities went on till 4pm.
At 4pm Foncha took
the floor and congratulated everyone for the team spirit and fraternity that
prevailed during the working session.
Endeley took the
floor after Foncha and warmly thanked Sultan Seidou for the lavish welcome
given to them and expressed his high satisfaction for the success of the work;
he concluded as follows:
"Mr. President, we
shall always be completely loyal to you whenever you should request our
collaboration for the larger interests of Cameroon".
At 4.30pm, Ahidjo
took the floor to address the plenary session; he swiftly and rudely gave
answers to the demands of the Southern Cameroons delegation for amendments to
the draft constitution. A second shock awaited the Southern Cameroons
delegation: Ahidjo, in a rather dictatorial manner, brushed aside all the
demands tabled by the Southern Cameroons delegation.
He said: "The word
indivisible will be cancelled, but a clause guaranteeing the integrity of the
federation and preventing any possibility of secession shall be introduced. For
lack of big financial means, there is no room for a bicameral parliament; the
House of Chiefs will be maintained; Yaounde must remain the federal capital.
-There is no room for double nationality; -The president and the vice-president
shall be elected by universal suffrage. -While waiting for the setting up of
new institutions, the functions of the federal president and federal
vice-president shall be performed by the president of la republique du Cameroun
and the prime minister of the Southern Cameroons"
The Foumban conference did not satisfy the prescription of
UN GA Resolution 1608 (XV) of 21 April 1961, neither in form nor in substance.
SECTION 9
The Independence of
La Republique du Cameroun du premier Janvier 1960
The United Nations,
by UNGAR 1349 – XIV of 13 March 1959 decided to grant independence to le
Territoire soustutelle l'ONU du Cameroun sous administration francaise on 1st
January 1960. The Territory did achieve independence on 1st January 1960. The
British permanent representative at the UN, Sir Andrew Cohen, represented
Britain at the independence ceremony.
A Constitutional
referendum was held on 12 February 1960. On 4 March 1960, the constitution as
approved by the referendum was promulgated.
- On 10 April 1960,
presidential elections took place: the president was elected by the Depute's at
the National Assembly. There could not be elections by universal suffrage
because there was an insurrection ravaging the country. Ahidjo had only one
opponent, Abel Eyinga, who was not residing in Cameroun but in Algeria as a
lecturer in the Faculty of Law in Algiers and France.
- On 28 January 1960,
the newly independent La Republique du Cameroun applied for UN membership.
- On 20 September
1960, by UNGA Resolution 1476 – XIV La Republique du Cameroun was granted UN
membership.
- On 6 August 1961,
the National Assembly amended the constitution of 4 March 1960 by 88 YES votes,
zero NO votes, and 6 abstentions.
- On 1st September
1961, the amended constitution was promulgated as the federal constitution of
the Federal Republic of Cameroon. This was done in total violation of the
strict and specific prescriptions of the UNGA Resolution 1608 –XV of 21 April
1961 on the projected union between La Republic du Cameroun and the Southern
Cameroons as the outcome of the UN-sponsored plebiscite of 11 and 12 February
1961 in the British Cameroons. The federal constitution of 1st September 1961
was signed by the president of La Republique du Cameroun, Ahmadou Ahidjo,
alone; never by John Ngu Foncha, the Prime Minister of the Southern Cameroons.
SECTION 10
La Republique du Cameroun and the Southern Cameroons were
not a Franco – British Condominium:
A condominium is a
Latin word meaning a house jointly managed by two equal masters. So a
condominium
is a territory jointly ruled by two powers according to a treaty they signed in
international law. Examples of condominiums are: the present island of St.
Martin in the West Indies = Netherlands West Indies, Aruba – Bonaire – Curacao
– Saba – St. Martin – St. Eustache. St. Martin is jointly ruled by France and
The Netherlands. The New Hebrides (today Vanuatu) was a Franco – British
condominium; it was a bilingual French – English condominium. But take note
that a condominium is not necessarily a matter of languages: the language
factor is incidental. So a condominium could be monolingual. What is important
is its international legal status.
In the case of New
Hebrides, four months before Britain and France granted independence, a senior
citizen of the English Sector, Stephen Maleku, unilaterally proclaimed a
separate independence for the English Sector. (He wanted the territory to
achieve independence, then become a confederation of two states. As Stephen put
Britain and France before a fait accompli, while Britain was still reflecting
on the issue, France hurriedly sent 400 gendarmes from La Nouvelle – Caledonie,
a nearby French colony, to occupy Port - Vila, the capital of New Hebrides and
forcefully stopped Stephen's move. Britain bitterly complained to France,
saying that by opting unilaterally for a military solution for the
condominium's problem, France had instead complicated the situation as Moleku's
move for separate independence was based on the brutality of the French
administration.
La Republique du
Cameroun cannot even pass through a legal status of a condominium to annex the
Southern Cameroons since such locus standi does not exist. La Republique du
Cameroun has been arguing verbally and very emotionally on a non - existing
condominium. The 1961 plebiscite and the fake bilingualism crudely imposed on
both La Republique du Cameroun and the Southern Cameroons do not make the two
countries a condominium because condominium is a matter of international law.
And not that of
Anglo-Saxon + Greco - Latin linguistics. La Republique du Cameroun has been
brandishing its de facto bilingual condominium at home but at the same time
brandishing itself as a monolingual francophone unitary state at the
international level. On one hand La Republique du Cameroun is imposing a de
facto Anglo – French condominium on two neighbouring former UN Trust
Territories with separate Trusteeship Agreements, and on the other hand
imposing a unitary state on an illegal defunct two-state federation. This is
blatant dubious contradiction!
SECTION 11
The Administration of La Republique du Cameroun in the
Southern Cameroons since 1st October 1961
According to La
Republique du Cameroun, the constitutional amendment made on 6 August 1961 on
la constitution de la Republique du Cameroun du premier janvier 1960, was meant
to accommodate the Southern Cameroons as the western part of German Kamerun. We
now know all about the German colony of Kamerun from the preceding legal
analyses. The Constitutional Amendment of Yves Bie'ville, the French jurist who
drafted the constitution of 4 March 1960, was a mockery of international law,
the international community, and the United Nations. The amended constitution
could in no way become a Treaty of Union in international law as prescribed by
UNGAR 1608 (XV) of 21 April 1961.
On the grounds of the
amended constitution, la Republique du Cameroun moved its troops and
administration into the Southern Cameroons on 1st October 1961 and has since
been ruling the Southern Cameroons in the same brutal manner in which France
ruled its portion of the divided German Kamerun. The administration of la
Republique du Cameroun in the Southern Cameroons is null and void ab initio: it
is illegitimate and illegal. It is a civil – cum military administration. The
cardinal legal principle, tantum appelatum, quantum revelatum, meaning that the
judge of the Appeal Court cannot have the right in a civil matter to grant more
than it was requested by the Magistrate Court.
The principle does
not apply between the Southern Cameroons and la Republique du Cameroun because
la Republique du Cameroun has no right to belittle the Southern Cameroons as
its province, as if la Republique du Cameroun is the alter ego of the Southern
Cameroons. This is because the international status of the Southern Cameroons
under the League of Nations, then under the U.N.O., cannot be changed.
La Republique du
Cameroun has no right to judge positively or negatively the results of the 1961
plebiscite and use that to annex the Southern Cameroons because nemo crime sine
legi – there is no crime (offence) without a text of law which defines and
punishes the incriminating act. So by voting, and voting YES in the plebiscite,
the Southern Cameroons did not commit an offence punishable by La Republique du
Cameroun by annexation as penal punishment.
La Republique du
Cameroun has been benefiting enormously from the annexation of the Southern
Cameroons in violation of the Latin legal principle nemo nudutur propriam
turpitudi – nobody should benefit in any way whatsoever from a crime he has
committed. La Republique du Cameroun has been arguing that the Southern
Cameroons has no utis possedetis juris on 1st October 1961; that the Southern
Cameroons was an empty piece of land that La Republique du Cameroun annexed to
civilise and develop.
The argument has no
legal basis because the Southern Cameroons had utis possedetis juris -
international legal status publicly recognised. As a UN Trust Territory the
Southern Cameroons had utis possedetis juris by the Mandate of the League of
Nations, and by the UN Trusteeship Agreement.
In addition, the
Southern Cameroons was jointly administered with the Eastern Region of Nigeria
within the international legal framework of UNGA Resolution 224 – 111 on the
Administrative Union between adjacent territories under the same Administering
Authority. There is no modification of international boundaries between States
by domestic or internal law. The constitution of a state being a fundamental
internal law, la Republique du Cameroun cannot legally justify how it modified
its international boundaries, as we have demonstrated earlier, with the
Southern Cameroons for its own benefits.
The peoples of the
Southern Cameroons, in their daily life, accept all acts of constitutional law,
civil law, criminal law, and administrative law imposed on them by La
Republique du Cameroun as Actes of bienseance, that means, Acts which one does
not like, but toterates them in order to survive.
SECTION 12
The International Legal Status of the Southern Cameroons
since 1st October 1961 to date
La Republique du
Cameroun started to govern the Southern Cameroons from 1st October 1961 when
the Treaty of Union had not yet been worked out as prescribed by UNGA
Resolution 1608 –(XV) of 21 April 1961. The international legal situation in
the Southern Cameroons on 1st October 1961 was that, without a Treaty of Union,
the Southern Cameroons smoothly moved backwards from the status of a UN Trust
Territory it had from 12 December 1946 till 1st October 1961, to the status of
a UN Territory the Southern Cameroons had on 11 December 1946. In between the
adoption of the UN Resolution 63 – 111 that created the UN Trusteeship Council,
and subsequently appointed Britain as the Administering Authority for the
Southern Cameroons, and the signing of the Trusteeship Agreement No Document A
/ 152 / REV2 for the Southern Cameroons between the UN and Britain on that same
date 13 December 1946.
The formation of the
UN Trusteeship Council having abrogated the Mandates System of the League of
Nations of 1922 (and) the Trusteeship Agreement for the Southern Cameroons
therefore replaced the Mandate Britain had on the Southern Cameroons from 1922
till 13 December 1946. The situation, simplified, is that on 1st October 1961,
the Southern Cameroons had not been granted any independence, neither according
to Article 47 paragraph B of the Charter of the United Nations, nor according
to UNGA Resolution 1608 –(XV) in the 994th plenary session on 21 April 1961
which granted independence by joining whose international legal Treaty for the
projected Union had not been worked out on the date fixed for independence (1st
October 1961).
So, through a
cool-minded legal analysis, one can understand that since 1st October 1961, La
Republique du Cameroun has been forcefully occupying and governing a UN
Territory. The difference between a UN Trust Territory and a UN Territory is
that a UN Trust Territory is governed by an independent and sovereign State
according to a contract or mandate signed between the country and the UN;
whereas a UN Territory is directly governed by the UN through its permanent
representative it appoints to the Territory. The UN representative should in no
way be a native of that territory: He / she is called, the UN Administrator,
governor. As the Administering Authority, the UN Administrator governs the
territory in preparation for independence.
SECTION 13
The Way to Independence for the Southern Cameroons
1) The way to
Independence for the Southern Cameroons is in the hands of the UN. The UN
should follow the same path it took to grant independence to other UN
territories. It must be noted that the Southern Cameroons is a particular UN
Territory as it had been annexed by La Republique du Cameroun and France
through an orthodox independence-by-joining that the UN granted the Southern
Cameroons in 1961.
The Southern
Cameroons today is in the same situation as the three Baltic States (Estonia –
Lestonia – Lithuania). Let it be recalled that the latter three states were
granted independence by the League of Nations, and the independence was later
suppressed by the Soviet Union which then annexed them on the grounds that as
small neighbouring states, it was their weakness that allowed the German troops
to crush them very easily and then crossed their international boundary with
the Soviet Union into St. Petersburg. But with Glassnok and perestroika brought
by Mikail Gorbatchov, the latter states regained their lost independence
through the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation (UNPO) and the UN.
2) Another way out
for the Southern Cameroons is that the UN may simply implement the UNGA
Resolution 1514 – (XIV) of 14 December 1960 on the Granting of Independence to
Colonial Territories and Peoples.
Southern Cameroon
Free State
Southern Cameroon Stamps
FFSA
Federation of the Free States of Africa
MENU - INDEX
Contact
Secretary General
Mangovo Ngoyo
Email: africa.federation@gmail.com
www.africafederation.net
http://www.southerncameroons.org/
The area of the Southern Cameroons in Africa has a rich and
fruitful history. The actual area that it is in is in the western portion of
the African continent. The actual area dates back to the 16th century. The
actual feeling of the area as its own entity did not come about until the early
20th century.
As far as the geographical location is concerned, this area
lies east and south of Nigeria and west of the Federal Republic Republic of
Cameroon. The Mungo River also lies within the eastern boundaries of the area.
The other nearby body of water is the Atlantic Ocean which lies to the
country's south. Because of the general location of the Southern Cameroons they
have been under the watchful eye of the Nigerian nation.
Since there is such diversity in the region, the idea of
religion is also just as diverse. The religion ranges from the traditional
ritualistic religion to the Christian and Islamic faiths. The ritualistic
traditions are very spiritual. They actually believe that there may be a higher
being watching them throughout their daily lives. There are also certain
festivities and events that are backed but the traditional religion.
Sports throughout the area have also come along way. While
the solo sports have not developed much in the area, the group sporting events
have come a very long way. Soccer as a team sport has evolved a great deal.
There are now competitions among the states in the Southern Cameroons. One
other worldwide known sporting events of the area is the Buea Mountain race in
which people come from all over the world to run.
The education in the area is geared toward the future of the
students in various aspects. The main focus is training for the future areas in
which the student will work in. There are apprenticeships that are set forth in
order to provide the proper training. The amount of time spent in the
apprenticeships depends solely on the activity in which they are being trained
in. Very few make it to the university level of education. When they do make it
they are highly regarded.
The culture of the Southern Cameroons is rich in tradition.
Although there have been various European influences that have come up in its
history a majority of the people have tried to stay as true to their traditions
as possible. The ritualistic traditions as well as the religions have changed
over time but have found a way to come back into the everyday life. People of
Southern Cameroons keep rituals and tradition as the one thing that remains
unchanged in a truly developing world.
Southern Cameroons: ID Cards And Currency To Be Introduced
The Southern Cameroons National Council has announced plans
to introduce identity cards, currency and treasury bills in the region and to
sign a petition against the 'illegal occupation and colonisation' of their
territory by Cameroon.
Below is an article published in Punch Nigeria:
The Southern Cameroons National Council has announced plans
to introduce identity cards, currency and treasury bills for Bakassi and other
areas in the two formerly British-administered regions of Northwest and
Southwest regions.
SCNC coordinator for the Centre Region, Maxwell Oben, told
Africa Review magazine that more than 10,000 people across the English-speaking
Northwest and Southwest Regions commonly known as Southern Cameroons now
possess the ID cards.
He said the movement was also seeking 50,000 signatures to
back a petition it plans to lodge at the United Nations against the "illegal
occupation and colonisation" of the formerly British-administered Southern
Cameroons by the French-speaking Cameroon.
More than 6.000 signatories have already backed the appeal
and more are still doing so, Oben says.
The SCNC is also said to be planning to introduce a
currency– Ramson or Rams – for the territory. Treasury bonds that will be
exchanged for the currency "once sovereignty is attained" are already in
circulation, the activist says.
There are also plans to set up broadcast media to whip up
popular support, according to the activist.
The Efik in Cross river State (Sout South Nigeria) are one
of the groups that inhabit Bakassi, an oil rich peninsula Nigeria and Cameroon
contested for over 20 years but was finally ceded to Cameroon in a 2002
International Court of Justice ruling.
The group had been resettled inland in Cross River State
after the ruling but complained that they could not get an alternative
livelihood to fishing.
Their resolve followed Nigeria's decision to shelve calls to
review the ICJ ruling before an October 10, 2012 deadline.
http://www.ngrguardiannews.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=113196:southern-cameroons-seeks-implementation-of-verdict-on-self-determination&catid=1:national&Itemid=559
THE citizens of Southern Cameroons, through their counsel,
Okoi Obono-Obla, have written to Nigeria's Attorney General of the Federation
and Minister of Justice, Mohammed Bello Adoke (SAN), urging the Federal
Government to immediately comply with the Consent Judgment in Suit No.
FHC/ABJ/CS/30/2002 of March 25, 2002, delivered by the former Chief Judge of
the Federal High Court, Justice Roseline Ukeje, which was in their favour.
The peoples of Southern Cameroons, represented by Dr. Kevin
Ngwang Gumni, Augustine Feh Ndangam, Chief Ette Otun Ayamba, Prof. Victor
Mlkwele Ngoi, Dr. Martin Ngeka, Nfot Ngala Nfor, Hitler Mbinglo, Dogbima Henry,
K Mundam, Simon Ninpa, Shey Tafon, Paul Yiwir and Isaac Sona, had sued the
Federal Government of Nigeria at the Federal High Court, Abuja.
In the suit, the plaintiffs, through their originating summons,
urged the court to determine whether the Union envisaged under the Southern
Cameroon Plebiscite 1961 between La Republique du Cameroun and Southern
Cameroons legally took effect as contemplated by the relevant United Nations
Resolutions, particularly the United Nations General Assembly Resolution 1352
(XIV) of October 16, 1959, and United Nations Trusteeship Council Resolution
2013 (XXIV) of May 31, 1960.
They also want the court to determine whether the
termination by the Government of the United Kingdom of its trusteeship over the
Southern Cameroon on September 30, 1961, without ensuring prior implementation
of the constitutional arrangements under which the Southern Cameroons and La
Republique du Cameroun were to unite as one federal state, was not in breach of
Articles 3 and 6 of the Trusteeship Agreement for the Territory of the
Cameroons under British administration as approved by the United Nations
General Assembly on December 13, 1946, the United Nations General Assembly
Resolutions 1352 of October 16, 1959, 1608 of April 2, 1961, the United Nations
Trusteeship Council Resolution 2013 (XIV) of May 31, 1960, and Article 76 (b)
of the Charter of the United Nations.
The Southern Cameroons also wants the court to determine
whether the assumption of sovereign powers on October 1, 1961, and the
continued exercise of same by the government of La Republique du Cameroun over
Southern Cameroon after the termination by the government of the United Kingdom
of its trusteeship over the territory was legal and valid when the union
between Southern Cameroons and La Republique du Cameroun contemplated by the
Southern Cameroon Plebiscite 1961 had not legally taken effect.
Other issues the plaintiffs want the court to resolve in the
suit include: Whether the peoples of Southern Cameroons are not entitled to
self-determination within their clearly defined territory separate from La
Republique du Cameroun, and whether it is the Southern Cameroons and not La
Republique du Cameroun that shares a maritime boundary with the Federal
Republic of Nigeria?
But the Federal Government of Nigeria then sued for an
out-of-court settlement, which led to the delivery of the consent judgment
dated March 25, 2002, based on the agreement reached by the parties.
The consent judgment directed the Federal Republic of
Nigeria to take any measure, as may be necessary, to place the case of the
peoples of the geographical entity known as at October 1, 1960, as Southern
Cameroons, for self determination before the United Nations General Assembly
and any other relevant international organisation.
However, after waiting in vain for the implementation of the
verdict, the Southern Cameroons, in the letter dated January 27, 2013, and
served on the Attorney General on February 8, 2013, urged the Federal
Government of Nigeria, in the spirit of respect and adherence to the Rule of
Law and Constitutionalism - especially the authority and integrity of the
judicial branch of government - to take immediate steps to ensure compliance by
the Federal Government of Nigeria with the terms/directives contained in the
said consent judgment/order.
http://www.unpo.org/members/7915
http://www.unpo.org/
Cameroons
STATISTICS
Status: Occupied & unrecognized territory
Population: +/- 6 million
Areas: 43.000 km2
Language: English
Religion: Christian
UNPO REPRESENTATION: Southern Cameroons National Council
Southern Cameroons membership on UNPO is represented by
Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC).
OVERVIEW
GEOGRAPHY
Southern Cameroons is the territory bounded to the west and
north west by Nigeria, east by La Republique du Cameroun and south by the
Atlantic Ocean.
POPULATION
The population of Southern Cameroons is above five million
inhabitants.
ECONOMY
All without exception depended on nature and the land to
earn a living. In the coastal region farming, fishing and hunting denominated
the life of the inhabitants. Blessed with abundant fertile soil, farm work is
not as irksome and intensive to have a heavy yield. From the forest they had
abundant wood to build their simple houses which were roofed with palm fronts.
In the grassland region with poor fertility the people had to work a large
expanse of land to have a reasonable harvest. They also have a large variety of
food crops grown at different times of the year. Primary occupation is farming
and hunting but little fishing for want of large rivers or lakes. This culture
of handwork has been so rewarding to the men and women of the Grassland region
who happen to migrate to the Coastal or Forest region to work in the
plantations. They easily acquired land for food crops production. This has not
only introduced the food dishes of the Grassland or Graffie, but also made some
of the wealthy land owners to the envy of some indigenes.
POLITICAL SITUATION
In the coastal
region, the ethnic groups did not establish a strong central authority as is
the case in the grassland region. Family elders constituted Council of Elders
that met periodically to resolve matters affecting the inhabitants. In the
Grassland region social and political setting is far more organised. The Fons
and Ta Nfors are the centre of authority. In pre-colonial time they wielded
great authority over their subjects. As an annexed, colonised and occupied
territory, the Southern Cameroons has no political system that is a true
reflection of the legitimate aspirations of the people. The annexationist
Yaounde regime has imposed its rigid centralised system, which is
characteristically insensitive to the feelings of Southern Cameroonians.
To make Southern Cameroons a real colony and an appendage of
Yaounde, in 1972, the Southern Cameroons government was abrogated and the
territory was divided into two provinces of La Republique du Cameroun. The two
provinces are governed by two governors appointed by Presidential Decrees and
as representatives of the President, each is accountable and responsible to the
President himself. The two governors, Koumpa Issa, for the North West, and
Ejake Mbonda, for the South West, are all francophone Camerounese. Although
Southern Cameroonians fought hard, lost lives, limbs and enormous property to
bring about multiparty democracy under which they were nurtured by the British,
with the backing of France, the currently existing two hundred political
parties are not worth more than the paper on which they are registered. Most of
these mushroom political parties are sponsored by the ruling Rassemblement
Democratique du Peuples Camerounaise (RDPC). Southern Cameroonians are fit only
for sinecure posts and this explains why Ni John Fru Ndi, a Cameroonian of the
Social Democratic Font (SDF) who won the October 1992 Presidential Elections,
was denied the right to take over as President of the two Cameroons.
Determined to keep Southern Cameroons a colony of La
Republique du Cameroun, genuine democracy has been blocked by sophisticated
rigging mechanism styled "democratie avancée" to leave the people who fervently
believe in democracy, the rule of law and human freedom under an unwanted
government. Prior to annexation, Southern Cameroons as a trust territory under
United Kingdom administration, inherited the Westminster Parliamentary system.
Southern Cameroons became a self-governing trust territory in 1954 under a
democratically elected government led by Dr EML Endeley. With a genuine
democratic and constitutional evolution, in 1957, Southern Cameroons was
granted a House of Chiefs, thus like Britain, Southern Cameroons
operated a bicameral
legislative system.
In 1959 through free and fair general elections, Premier
Endeley led CPNC government was defeated and he peacefully handed over to the
winner, J.N. Foncha of the KNDP. This was followed by the adoption of a new
constitution, Constitution (Order) in Council 1960, which was meant to lead
Southern Cameroons to independence. But through international colonial
conspiracy, instead of granting complete independence in conformity with Art.
76(b) of UN Charter and UN Resolution 1514 of 1960, the colonial powers misled
the UN to impose "independence by joining" either Nigeria or La Republique du
Cameroun. In addition to imposing this, the UN was led to adopt two obnoxious
questions that denied Southern Cameroons their inalienable right to
self-determination
and sovereign independence.
UNPO MEMBER PERSPECTIVE
The mission of the Southern Cameroons National Council
(SCNC) is to right the wrongs of yesterday, restore Southern Cameroonians to
the dignity, their natural rights as the legitimate owners and masters of the
Southern Cameroons territory, masters of their destiny by peacefully leading
Southern Cameroons to take her deserved seat within the community of sovereign
nations. Southern Cameroons is currently a colony of La Republique du Cameroun
and in consideration of the fact that the modern world has banned colonialism,
Southern Cameroonians are legitimately entitled to international support to
oust the coloniser, namely, La Republique du Cameroun. It was in recognition
and defense of the enjoyment of this inalienable right of all peoples that
classical colonialism, foreign domination and the abolition of apartheid took
place. Southern Cameroons, the only UN Trust territory abandoned to its fate,
has been annexed, colonised and occupied by La Republique du Cameroun. It is a
victim of classical colonialism and foreign domination and should be
decolonised under international law and should receive international support.
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
EARLY HISTORY
The territory of Southern Cameroon has been subjected to
different colonial experiences - she experienced German domination, British
domination, and domination of La Republique du Cameroun. Southern Cameroons as
part of German Kamerun
Between 1885 and 1916, Southern Cameroons was part of German
Cameroon (Kamerun). German Kamerun ceased to exist with the end of World War I
and the Peace Treaty of Versailles that gave birth to the League of Nations.
British Southern Cameroons
As a result of the First World War, which pitched the
Germans against the British and French in Cameroon, the Germans were defeated
and ousted from the territory. As a result of the German defeat, the British
and French attempted a joint administration of the territory, which failed.
Consequently, the territory was partitioned by both powers. Hence, the British
took one-fifth and the French took four-fifth of the territory.
From the nature of the partition, the seed of the Southern
Cameroons problem began, namely, the minority problem. In order to conveniently
administer their own portion of Cameroon as a mandate territory of the League
of Nations, the British administered it as an integral part of Nigeria. To
better do this, they further split the territory into Northern Cameroons and
Southern Cameroons. Since the British did not consider the territory as viable,
they did very little as concerns social and economic development of the
territory. This caused the Southern Cameroons to be against the British mandate
in the territory.
The British first administered Southern Cameroons as part of
the Southern Province of Nigeria, whose headquarters was in Lagos and later;
under the Eastern Region of Nigeria, when Nigeria was divided into three
regions, namely, Northern, Western and Eastern. Therefore, Southern Cameroons
was administered from Enugu, which was the headquarters of the Eastern Region.
Under the Eastern Region, she suffered what was known as the Ibo domination.
The Ibo established their hegemony over Southern Cameroons and caused them to
be further frustrated by foreign domination. However, it was during this period
that the first parliamentary elections were organised in the territory to
choose representatives to the Eastern Regional House of Assembly and Federal
House in Lagos.
RECENT HISTORY
Following discrimination they faced as a minority group in
the assembly, they walked out in protest and declared Benevolent Neutrality in
Nigerian politics. This led to the holding of the first Southern Cameroons
Conference in Mamfe in 1953. This Conference adopted a petition addressed to
the United Kingdom Government that demanded for a separate regional status in
conformity with Southern Cameroons' status as a UN Trust territory. It was from
here that Southern Cameroons nationalism began. This political action yielded
the desired results.
When in 1954 Southern Cameroons achieved self-governing
status, with Dr EML Endeley as first Premier, its nationalism took a
multi-facet nature. Some of its leaders thought that this was a progress that
was to lead them to regional autonomy and therefore opted for integration into
Nigeria. Some as a result of the experience they received as a colony under
another colony, namely, Nigeria, opted for independence. Some as a result of
nostalgia and influence from French Cameroun opted for unification with French
Cameroun. Unable to come to a consensus, the UN, which became the supervisory
authority of the former mandate territories, including British Cameroons
imposed two options on them. The options were: whether they would like to
achieve independence by reunifying with French Cameroon which as a result of
their independence on January 1st, 1960 became La Republique du Cameroun or
integrating with Nigeria which was already given independence too. Prior to the
plebiscite, in 1959, Southern Cameroons organised democratic elections for a
third time and effected the first peaceful and democratic transfer of power in
the 20th Century Africa.
In this election, the incumbent Premier Dr E.M.L. Endeley
and his ruling party, the CPNC were defeated and he became leader of the
Opposition in the House of Assembly. Following the UN organised plebiscite of
February 11, 1961, which was organised on the same day separately for Southern
Cameroons and Northern Cameroons, Northern Cameroons voted for integration into
Nigeria and was thus integrated, while Southern Cameroons voted for unification
with French Cameroon and was thus reunified. This began the story of
unification of the two Cameroons united in a UN-sponsored federation of two
states of equal status known as the Federal Republic of Cameroon in October
1961.
Annexation of Southern Cameroons by La Republique du
Cameroun
The Foumban Constitutional Conference of 1961, which
federated Southern Cameroons with La Republique du Cameroun was not in line
with what the UN had envisaged. According to the UN such a conference was to
involve the governments of Southern Cameroons, La Republique du Cameroun,
United Kingdom as the Administering Authority, and the UN as the Supervisory
Authority. Unfortunately, it was held without some of these parties like the UN
and Britain. Again, there was no accord signed by the two parties that
discussed in Foumban. However, the Federal Republique of Cameroon that emerged
from the Foumban Talks, was made up of two federated states, namely, the State
of West Cameroon, made up of Southern Cameroons, and the State of East
Cameroon, made up of La Republique du Cameroun. Thus, the Southern Cameroons
and La Republique du Cameroun, respectively became sub nations of the
federation, with each retaining its inherited territory, colonial political and
administrative system, legal, educational, economic and cultural systems.
From 1962 to 1972, the former President of La Republique du
Cameroun, Ahmadou Ahidjo, who became the President of the Federal Republic,
took steps to annex Southern Cameroons into La Republique du Cameroun. On May
20th, 1972, he finally organised a referendum, which violated the Talks at
Foumban. He abolished the Federal Constitution and imposed Unitary
Constitution. Hence the name of the country became United Republic of Cameroon.
Southern Cameroons lost its autonomous status it enjoyed under the federal
system and became two of the seven provinces of the unitary state. When Paul
Biya became President of Cameroon, he completed the annexation by reverting the
name of the country to Republique du Cameroun, the name by which French
Cameroon gained its independence. This led to the emergence of Southern
Cameroons' liberation movements like the Ambazonia of Fon Gorgi Dinka
and Cameroon
Anglophone Movement (CAM) the climax of this was in 1993, when Southern
Cameroons liberation movements and Southern Cameroonians as a whole met in Buea
under the banner of the All Anglophone Conference (AAC I). Its aim was to
establish a Southern Cameroons stand and to press for the autonomy of Southern
Cameroons in a restored federal system. This firm stand is contained in the
Buea Declaration. Another meeting was held in Bamenda (AAC II) which issued the
Bamenda Proclamation. These declarations led to the formation of the Southern
Cameroons National Council (SCNC), which is a political organisation fighting
for the statehood and sovereign independence of Southern Cameroons.
Despite the obstacles placed on the road to statehood of
Southern Cameroons, like arrest, torture, killings, forcing its nationals into
exile, blackmail, misinformation, counter-acting their action and you can name
more, it has been succeeding. For instance, it has won the admissibility stage
of the case deposited against La Republique du Cameroun in the African
Commission on Human and Peoples Rights in Banjul; won a case against Nigeria,
which obliged Nigeria to table and support its bid for independence to the
international community and recently, it has been admitted as a new member of
the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation (UNPO) in The Hague.
CULTURE AND LANGUAGE
CULTURE
Prior to the advent of Europeans and colonialism, the
territory that today constitutes Southern Cameroons was not one geo-political
entity that could equally be designated as a cultural entity. It was inhabited
by different ethnic groups with different cultures, traditions and languages.
As they differed in origin and culturally, so did they differ in outlook,
aspirations and world view. Nothing held them together as one people. The
different ethnic groups with different indigenous political systems and
religions also differed from one another in their occupational activities and
socio-economic development. Thus there was a vast difference between the
peoples of the coastal region and those of the grassland, which difference is
not only visible in art, dance and economic life but also in social
organisation and social relationships. This means that one can rightly refer to
Southern Cameroons as a multi-cultural and multi-lingual political entity
carved by the ambitious colonial masters without any recourse to the
inhabitants. In the carving of their colonial empires these empire builders
mindful of their economic interests fractionalised some ethnic groups and even
families. This greatly contributed to the weakening of cultural ties and the
capacity to resist invasion by the empire builders. To build up one large
political entity, the colonial masters had to impose its political centralising
authority from above, undermining the cultural diversity below. For an
understanding of the rich cultural diversity the following ethnic groups can be
identified (from coast to the north).
RELIGION
The Southern Cameroonians are highly religious and have a
strong Christian belief. Regarding God to be unreachable directly, they worship
him through the super natural. They believe in the omnipresence, omnipotence
and omniscience of God so he cannot be confined to cathedrals and churches.
Ancestors are not worshiped for they do not create. But since the people
fervently believe in life after death, it is believed the dead, living in the
spiritual realm are closer to the creator so he is called upon to intercede on
behalf of the living. Here ancestors serve as mediators between God and the
living. Unfortunately the European missionaries, wishing not to learn and
understand, regarded this as ancestral worship. Individual importance was
measured not so much in what he has for himself but in contribution to the
community. Men of valour were recognised as heroes and their history conserved
in music, proverbs and as passed from generation to generation by word of
mouth.
COUNTRY ETHNIC GROUPS
Fako Bakweri, Mboko, Meme Bafaw, Bakundo, Balundu, Balong,
Kupe Manenguba Bakossi, Mbo, Bassosi, Ndian Ngolo, Batanga, Ekondokondo,
Lebialem Banwa, Nweh-Mundam, Wabane, Manyu Banyang, Kenyam, Ejagham, Boki,
Ayang, Momo Widikum broken into the Metta, Menemo, Ngie, Ngwo, Menkas, Mezam
Ngemba, Chamba, Menchum Aghem, Jebah,Mnen, Boyo Kom, Bum, Ngoketunjia Tikar
(fractionalised into small different language groups), Bui Nso, Oku, Noni,
Donga – Mantung Wimbum, Mfumte, Yamba, Mbembe of Jukunoid.
In summary the Grassland Region is peopled by the Tikar,
Widekum Ngemba, Hausa and Fulani. While the rest are geographically located,
the Hausa and Fulani, who are Moslems by religion, were the late comers into
this region and are thus scattered all over. Like all human societies,
irrespective of sophistication and technological development the
different ethnic
groups had their manner of organisation, settling disputes and managing their
affairs. All of these were greatly influenced by their backgrounds and
environments
http://www.scylforfreedom.org/
"Either we concentrate our energy for a serious and decisive
armed struggle to achieve our objective, or we will each fall one by one to the
blows of France's led brutal imperialism in its new and sinister form of
slavery call neo-colonialism against the African, specifically the Blackman.
They are at war with us – an open, cowardly and desperate offensive against
those who cherish and want freedom. Let us go to war against these men and
women who have impoverished our continent, bought and sold our people
into slavery,
used and dumped our youths, and now still continue to hold us in bondage as if
our pains and anguish they have caused are not enough. Let us go to war, not a
war of conquest or domination, but one of revolutionary liberation, a war
between the forces of tyranny and those of freedom. In this regard, we would be
fighting, not only in self defense and the protection of our humanity, but to
free ourselves and the countless generation of children yet unborn from the
scourge of the freedom of tyranny. Make no mistake for no one would do it for
us!".
The SCYL Liberation OATH: "The Southern Cameroons Must
Win this " War!" - Therefore: I will Work, I will Serve, I will Save,
I will Sacrifice, I will Endure, I will Fight Cheerfully, And do my utmost,
Even Unto Dealth, As if the issue of the whole Struggle depended on Me Alone.
So, HELP ME GOD!"
http://www.facebook.com/pages/SCNC-The-Southern-Cameroon-National-Council/145655312168312
SCNC - The Southern Cameroon National Council
February 8
UN Resolution 1608 and the Struggle for the Restoration of
British Southern Cameroons Statehood
Tuesday, 08 January
2013 17:03
Yaoundé and its
agents to dismiss the legitimacy and legality of the SCNC struggle to restore
the statehood of British Southern Cameroons and to forever keep the latter as
its footstool, have done everything possible to distort the history of a former
UN Trust territory with clearly defined and demarcated international
boundaries. With impunity some even question dismissively if British Southern
Cameroons ever stood on its own feet as if their la Republique du Cameroun has
ever. This is in the true nature of an imperial state. But truth is infinite.
And those who fight in defense of truth are makers of progressive history and
promoters of a better humanity. They are ever winners.
For your clear
understanding we will briefly examine this topic under the following sub heads;
1) UN Resolution 1608
of April 21, 1961, its import and what it stood to guard against.
2) Implication of no
implementation of this UN Resolution.
3) The political and
constitutional status of British Southern Cameroons at the material time of
1961.
UN Resolution 1608 XV
of April 21, 1961 was adopted by the UN General Assembly as a follow up of the
successful conduct of the UN sponsored plebiscite in British Southern
Cameroons. It was in recognition and defense of the distinctive identity of
this UN Trust territory under international law. As a follow up of the UN
plebiscite it was part and parcel of the UN conducted plebiscite. It was a
legal instrument by the World Body meant to complete the exercise or experiment
of bringing two distinct UN trust territories into a federal of equal status.
This UNGA Resolution above everything else testifies to the irrefutable fact
that the plebiscite, its shortcoming of limiting the people only to two choices
notwithstanding, was inconclusive. It offered the British Southern Cameroonians
only an opportunity to indicate their choice between Nigeria, and la Republique
du Cameroun. The plebiscite vote was only a promise to be translated into a
concrete act through mutual agreements based on fair negotiations.
It is instructive to
note that for this Resolution to pass the test tube of democracy, 64 Nations
voted FOR, 23 AGAINST, and 10 Abstained. La Republique du Cameroun, supported
by France and French-speaking Africa, except Mali mindful of its hidden agenda
of annexing this UN Trust territory, voted against. By voting against, they
still exercised their democratic rights.
If la Republique du
Cameroun voted against this important UN Resolution, which "unification" or
"reunification" do they talk about today? Why did la Republique reject forming
a federal of two equal states with British Southern Cameroons? Was it not
because of their hidden agenda of annexation, colonial occupation and
assimilation which they have faithfully implemented?
Inherent in this UN
Resolution was the promotion of the democratic principle of dialogue, equality
of states, big and small, and the promotion of international cooperation to
build world peace based on justice.
This UN Resolution in
concrete terms stood out to guard against any manner of annexation,
assimilation, imperial domination of smaller states by the big and powerful
states. To ensure that it was through consensus agreement and in fulfillment of
the UN Charter, negotiations were not left in the hands of the concerned
parties, namely, British Southern Cameroons, and la Republique du Cameroun, the
Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland as the
Administering Authority of British Southern Cameroons was included. Without
doubt since at the time British Southern Cameroons was not a distinct UN Member
state, it was the UK as the Administering Authority that was to report the
outcome of negotiations to the UNGA. Indeed, it was the UK that had the
political and constitutional duty of submitting the Agreement, in other words,
the Treaty of to the UN General Secretariat in fulfillment of Art. 102 of the
UN Charter.
For reasons unknown
to the leaders and people of British Southern Cameroons this all important UN
Resolution was never implemented. The UK never gave a report to the UN on the
implementation of Resolution 1608. This implies that conditions for the
formation of the UN envisioned federal of two distinct UN Trust territories to
form the FEDERAL UNITED CAMEROON REPUBLIC of two equal states were not
fulfilled.
It is equally
important we understand that in conformity with the spirit and letter of this
UNGA Resolution, there could never have been a formed with the two distinct
trust territories, without it being a federation of two states "EQUAL IN
STATUS".
At the material time
British Southern Cameroons was a self-governing trust territory founded on
Westminster parliamentary democracy. In October 1960 it adopted its own
constitution to usher it to independence. It had been declared ripe for
independence by the UK Representative to the UN and by Commissioner J.O Field
in his speech in 1958 during the Centenary celebration of the founding of the
seaport town of Victoria.
To terminate the
Trusteeship Agreement, it was necessary that the independence of the Southern
Cameroons be voted by the UN. Speaking before the vote was taken in the 4th
Committee of the UNGA, Mr Traore (UN Permanent Representative of Mali) said,
"If the Committee voted against the date of 1 October 1961, the Assembly would
be placed in an extremely difficult position, as it would have before it a
proposal requesting independence for Southern Cameroons but not specifying any
date".
Opposed to this Mr.
Okala (Foreign Minister of la Republique du Cameroun) "strongly protested
against a vote", which he regarded as "unconstitutional". Failing to obtain
wide support, he then declared "The delegation of Cameroun would not
participate in the vote and would withdraw —" (United Nations General Assembly,
XV Session, Official Records, Wednesday, 19 April 1961, New York, p.381).
Okala's, indeed la
Republique du Cameroun's opposition to the granting of independence by the UN
before the formation of the federal by the two states, was a clear pointer to
the effect that la Republique du Cameroun had already adopted a hidden agenda
for the annexation of Southern Cameroons. Here la Republique du Cameroun back
paddled on the pledge Mr. Ahmadou Ahidjo made at the UN in 1959 declaring that
they were "not annexationists." La Republique du Cameroun wanted the UN to hand
over Southern Cameroons to it for outright annexation and colonisation. But we
know that the UN is not an agent for the annexation of small weak states by
powerful states. The mission of the UN is to guarantee freedom for all peoples
and equality of all nations without which they can be no world democracy and
peace.
The date 1 October
1961 as Independence Day of Southern Cameroons was put to vote. It was
overwhelmingly approved by 50 "YES", 2 "NO" and 12 Abstentions by the powerful
4th Committee of the UN GA. 1st October 1961 was voted as Southern Cameroons
INDEPENDENCE DAY. A Trust territory accedes to independence upon termination of
trusteeship. To my mind it is only the UN that can testify as to whether
trusteeship in British Southern Cameroons was terminated on 1st October 1961 or
it was not.
As UNGA Resolution
1608 of April 21, 1961 was not implemented, it is conclusive that there was no
federal
Constitution debated
by the two distinct parliaments and signed into law by their respective elected
leaders and no
Act of signed to form
the Federal United Cameroon Republic by J.N. Foncha for the British Southern
Cameroons, and by
Ahmadou Ahidjo for la Republique du Cameroun. Some of our fathers for example,
J. N.
Foncha, S. T. Muna,
E. T.Egbe, among others, have stated clearly that no legal instrument exists
binding Southern
Cameroons and la
Republique du Cameroun together. The idea of Southern Cameroons signing a blank
cheque
(which some lackeys
defend cannot be revoked) does not therefore arise.
The current struggle
is to restore the one and indivisible British Southern Cameroons that has been
annexed and colonially occupied by the one and indivisible la Republique du
Cameroun, that is, le Camerounaise française which attained
independence from France
on January 1st 1960. The will of the people is supreme.
by NFOR, NGALA NFOR
10 June 2010 Secretary-General
SG/SM/12951/Rev.1*
AFR/1993/Rev.1*
Department of Public Information • News and Media Division •
New York
Secretary-General, Addressing Cameroon National Assembly,
Calls for Political
Will Needed to Help Africa Meet Millennium Development Goals
Following are UN Secretary-General Ban-Ki moon's remarks to
the National Assembly of Cameroon, in Yaoundé today, 10 June:
Thank you for your warm welcome and for the productive
meetings we have had on a wide range of topics.
Wherever I go in the world, I also try to visit lawmakers. I seek out
the parliaments of the world. Parliaments make the laws. They
express the diversity of any nation.
Before I begin my speech, allow me, Mr. President of the
National Assembly, to tell you how saddened I am by the disappearance this very
day of His Excellency Ferdinand Leopold Oyono, former minister, renowned
author, and former Permanent Representative of Cameroon to the United Nations
in New York. I convey to his family, and
to the Government and people of Cameroon, my most sincere condolences.
That diversity is especially evident here in Cameroon — "
Africa in miniature" — thanks to your rich ethnic, linguistic, geographical and
religious diversity. It is through
parliaments that the people's voices are heard.
And those voices, together, become the voice of any robust democracy.
It is a privilege to be here at this moment. This year, you celebrate
50 years of
independence. Fifty years of Africa's
growing presence on the international stage.
We have seen it in the field of politics, peace and security. And,
this month, we will see it on another
field of play. The World Cup will
showcase Africa.
Bafana Bafana, the host country team of South Africa. Les Fennecs
from Algeria. Côte d'Ivoire's Elephants and the Black Stars
of Ghana. Nigeria's Super Eagles. And, of course, the Indomitable Lions.
Allow me to congratulate four of the Lions for their good
services. Each of them is a Goodwill
Ambassador for the Millennium development Goals: the captain Samuel
Eto'o, Junior; Alexandre
Song; Rigobert Song; and Idriss Carlos Kameni.
They are ambassadors of whom Cameroon can be proud.
Tomorrow I fly to Johannesburg for the opening game. I do not claim
to be a sports expert. But I can let you in on a secret. I already
know the winner of the World
Cup. The real victor will be
Africa. I am so excited to be on the
continent. To experience the pride. To feel the energy. To tap into
the hope. To look forward together.
Today, I would like to focus on the opportunities and
obligations I see ahead; both the promises to Africa, and the promise of
Africa.
The United Nations relationship with Cameroon is as old as
the Organization itself. Cameroon joined
the United Nations 50 years ago, but our bonds stretch back to 1946 and the
United Nations Trusteeship Council.
Through the years, our partnership has grown. Today, Cameroon is a
generous contributor to
United Nations peace operations. More
than 130 of Cameroon's finest are serving as police officers from Burundi to
Côte d'Ivoire, from Sudan to Haiti.
Cameroon is host to 100,000 refugees, many from the Central
African Republic. And together with
Nigeria, Cameroon has provided the world with a model for the peaceful
resolution of disputes. Both countries
have committed to the 2002 ruling of the International Court of Justice, as
well as the 2006 Greentree Agreement, on the settlement of their border
dispute.
Your leadership has shown that, with the support of the
United Nations, peace and common understanding can prevail. Your
significant investment in the Bakassi
peninsula is testament to your determination.
The United Nations stands ready to offer its full support as you
consolidate peace and strengthen cooperation in the region.
Cameroon is also helping to show the world that the
Millennium Development Goals are within reach.
You have made significant progress in reducing extreme poverty. You
are working to make sure every child is
in primary school. Some may call
progress like this a miracle. But there
is nothing miraculous about it.
It is the result of one simple truth: That is, where we try, we
succeed. When we don't try, we fail. I saw the same today in
Mbalmayo. I met women being empowered to help
themselves and others; a community radio station that is helping to lift a
whole community; and a water project that is providing a sound foundation for
health.
What I saw today showed what can be achieved when partners
take comprehensive and coherent action; when partners stand together against
poverty, hunger and disease. I will take
these lessons to the G-20 summit in Canada in July and the Millennium
Development Goals Summit in September in New York.
The message is simple.
Africa can achieve the Millennium Development Goals. Africa has
boundless potential, amazing human
and material wealth, 1 billion people, more than half of whom are under the age
of 30. As I see it, delivering for the
people of Africa is a matter of commitment.
Africa's people need neither pity nor charity. They need only the
tools to create jobs and
generate incomes.
Developed countries should make good on promises to double
aid to Africa, promises made repeatedly at summit meetings of the G-8 and G-20
and at the United Nations. There must
also be more room for free trade.
Africa's products should not be priced out of markets by heavy import
taxes.
Africa's farmers should not have to run up against unfair
agricultural subsidies. Africa's
Governments must be empowered to scale up investments in agriculture, water,
education, health and infrastructure. At
September's Millennium Development Goals Summit, I will call on Governments to
develop a results-oriented action plan, with concrete steps and timelines.
As the Cameroonian proverb teaches us: "A chattering bird
builds no nest." We need less talk, more
action. That is why we will showcase
success stories, scale them up, create partnerships that will allow us to do
even more. Africa needs true
partnership, partnerships where donors listen to recipients and tailor their
assistance to Africa's needs.
Maternal health is the Millennium Development Goal where we
have lagged furthest behind. Yet if we
can succeed here, we will touch off a virtuous "ripple effect" through all the
Goals. We need to combine the efforts of
donors and recipients with private sector and civil society
initiatives. This week, I announced a plan in Washington,
D.C., that does just that.
Before I came here, I attended a big international
conference titled "Women Deliver".
There, with a United Nations initiative, we adopted a Joint Action Plan
to help women and girls from dying needlessly of diseases, from complications
of pregnancies, and from preventable diseases.
One woman dies every minute.
Two children die every minute.
That is just unacceptable. That
is social injustice, political and moral injustice. We must prevent
it. I have asked for $15 million by next year and
$45 million additional by 2015 to help the capacity-building to prevent this
maternal mortality and child mortality.
We know that climate change is a threat to development, a
threat to stability and a particular threat to Africa. Cameroon and
other members of the Lake Chad
Basin Commission have voiced valid and legitimate concerns over the dramatic
decrease in water levels of this vital source.
Africa needs help in reducing its vulnerability. Last year's
Copenhagen Climate Conference marked
a significant step forward in a number of areas: a goal of limiting global
temperature rise to within 2° C by 2050; mitigation actions by all countries;
progress on addressing deforestation and forest degradation; funding for
developing countries for adaptation and mitigation.
My High-Level Advisory Group on Climate Change Financing is
working to mobilize new and innovative public and private funding to reach our
annual $100 billion target by 2020. This
funding will support mitigation and adaptation strategies in developing
countries. It will help countries like
Cameroon to reach the Millennium Development Goals.
I have spoken about the developed world's responsibilities
in keeping the Millennium promise. But
Africa, too, has a promise to keep. Sustainable
development can only be built on the firm bedrock of peace and good governance.
Over recent years, Africa has moved steadily from a
principle of "non-interference" in one another's affairs towards a new and more
modern principle of "non-indifference".
We must keep and build on this momentum.
The organization of peaceful, credible and transparent
elections is critical. We cannot allow
the will of the people to be thwarted by electoral fraud. We cannot
accept unconstitutional changes of
Government. We cannot permit endless
manipulations of the law to preserve the privileges of those in power.
We cannot turn a blind eye to corruption,
nepotism and tyranny.
Nor can we stay quiet when people are denied fundamental
rights. Without durable peace there will
be no sustained development. Without
sustained development, Africa will not attain the Millennium Development
Goals. And without achieving the
Millennium Development Goals, Africa will not find the promise and prosperity
that its people so richly deserve.
The United Nations is your partner — as mediator,
peacekeeper and peacebuilder. Only by
living together as good neighbours — as individuals, as communities and as
nations — can we fulfil the promise of the United Nations Charter. In
this pursuit, I assure you, the United
Nations will always be your ally.
For peace and security, for development and human rights,
the United Nations will be with you every step of the way.
Thank you for this honour.
And thank you for your commitment to the important work ahead.
* *** *
__________
* Reissued to
reflect remarks as delivered.
For information media • not an official record
Preventive Diplomacy at the United Nations
By Bertrand G. Ramcharan
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A view of the Security Council chamber during the first-ever
summit-level meeting on 31 January 1992. UN PHOTO/MILTON GRANT
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has given courageous
leadership on the issue of global climate change that would be put into the
category of preventive diplomacy.
The idea of preventive diplomacy has captivated the United
Nations ever since it was first articulated by Secretary-General Dag
Hammarskjöld nearly half a century ago. Preventive diplomacy was presaged by
Article 99 of the United Nations Charter, which allowed the Secretary-General
to bring to the Security Council's attention threats to international peace and
security. From the outset of the United Nations, Secretary-General Trygve Lie
used the competence under this Article to gather information about situations,
to establish contacts with those concerned, to send emissaries to look closely
at situations, and to do whatever he could to head off or contain crises of
international concern.
Secretary-General Dag
Hammarskjöld knew that the United Nations could do little where there was a
direct clash of interests between the superpowers during the Cold War. But he
had in mind that, if the opportunity presented itself, he might be able to head
off disputes between lesser powers and prevent them from the gravitational pull
of the superpowers contest. Hammarskjöld put down markers on the practice of
preventive diplomacy that are still very much in use today. He would decide if
his efforts might be useful. Judgment was always involved; there was no
automaticity about his involvement. He used representatives, whom he sent out
on special missions or outposted in particular situations. He had in mind the
deployment of a ring of representatives around the world.
Secretary-General U
Thant moved Hammarskjöld's vision forward. His role in preventing a nuclear
confrontation over the Cuban Missile Crisis must rank as the most spectacular
example of preventive diplomacy in the annals of the United Nations. The UN
archives contain dramatic materials on his efforts. I will revert to this
later.
Secretary-General
Kurt Waldheim continued the practice of preventive diplomacy. He had his
successes in the border disputes between Iran and Iraq in the 1960s. He
resorted to appeals in dangerous situations such as the 1973 Arab-Israeli War.
He acted speedily in dispatching UN peacekeepers to contain and control that
situation and was praised for his efforts.
Secretary-General
Javier Pérez de Cuéllar acted successfully when he sent a discreet fact-finding
mission to Bulgaria and Turkey in 1989 to help head off the deterioration of a
dispute between the two countries. He called for the maintenance of a
comprehensive global watch over threats to human security and welfare, and
established a unit within the Office of the Secretary-General dedicated to the
collection and analysis of information intended to help the Secretary-General
provide alerts to the Security Council over situations that could threaten or
breach international peace and security.
Secretary-General
Boutros Boutros-Ghali took over shortly after the end of the Cold War when
there were hopes of a new world order. In January 1992, the first-ever summit
meeting of the Security Council requested a report from him on the future role
of the United Nations in conflict prevention, peacemaking, and peacekeeping,
which led him to submit the widely-acclaimed An Agenda for Peace. Boutros-Ghali
practiced preventive diplomacy in cases such as the war between Eritrea and
Yemen, and he supported the establishment of the first ever preventive
deployment of UN peacekeepers in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.
Secretary-General
Kofi Annan furthered the work of his predecessors and submitted three reports
on the topic. He exercised preventive diplomacy successfully in the border
conflict between Cameroon and Nigeria over the Bakassi Peninsula.
Current
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has taken forward the practice of preventive
diplomacy at the UN, and has given courageous leadership on the issue of global
¬climate change that would be put into the category of preventive diplomacy. He
has also submitted reports to the General Assembly on preventive diplomacy.
U THANT'S PREVENTIVE DIPLOMACY DURING THE CUBAN MISSILE
CRISIS
Historians
acknowledge that the Cuban Missile Crisis was the most dangerous period in
human history, when the world came closest to blowing itself up during thirteen
days, from 16 to 28 October 1962. On 22 October, President John F. Kennedy
announced that he had ordered a naval quarantine around Cuba to come into force
on 24 October. American and Soviet naval vessels came into close proximity with
a USSR submarine captain authorized, as is now known, to use nuclear weapons in
defence of Soviet ships or in self-defence. The efforts of UN Secretary-General
U Thant contributed greatly to defusing the crisis.
On 24 October 1962,
in his address to the Security Council, U Thant stressed that what was at stake
was the very fate of mankind. He called for urgent negotiations between the
parties directly involved and informed the Council that he had sent urgent
appeals to President Kennedy and Premier Nikita Khruschev for a moratorium of
two to three weeks. On the part of the USSR, it would entail the voluntary
suspension of all arms shipments to Cuba. On the part of the United States, it
would entail the voluntary suspension of the quarantine, especially the
searching of ships bound for Cuba. He also appealed to the U.S. President and
the Prime Minister of Cuba to suspend the construction and development of major
military facilities and installations in Cuba during the period of negotiation.
He offered to make himself available to all parties concerned for whatever
services he might be able to perform.
On 25 October 1962, Premier
Khruschev wrote to U Thant accepting his proposal. President Kennedy also wrote
that day that, while he appreciated the spirit that had prompted U Thant's
message, the key to the solution of the crisis lay in the removal of the
weapons from Cuba. Soviet vessels continued on their way to the quarantined
waters. That very day, U Thant followed up with an urgent appeal to the two
leaders. He was concerned that Soviet ships already on their way to Cuba might
challenge the quarantine and produce a confrontation between Soviet and United
States vessels, thereby destroying the possibility of negotiations. He
therefore requested Premier Khruschev to instruct any Soviet ships already
sailing toward Cuba to stay away from the interception area for a limited time.
He also asked President Kennedy to instruct United States vessels in the
Caribbean to do everything possible to avoid direct confrontation with Soviet
ships. To each, he stated that if he received the assurance sought, he would
inform the other side of it.
President Kennedy
immediately accepted his proposal, contingent upon acceptance by the Soviet
Government. Premier Khruschev also accepted the moratorium. He informed U Thant
that he had ordered Soviet vessels bound for Cuba to stay out of the
interception
area temporarily. The next day, on 26 October, U Thant sent a message to Prime
Minister Fidel Castro of Cuba informing him of the encouraging responses he had
received to his appeals and asking that construction of major military
installations in Cuba, and especially those designed to launch medium– and
intermediate–range ballistic missiles, be suspended during the period of
negotiations.
After the American
and Soviet acceptances of U Thant's appeal, and during the crucial time he had
obtained for them, President Kennedy and Premier Khruschev had their own
exchange, through letters and messengers, and managed to reach an agreement on
the formula that eventually ended the missile crisis. U Thant traveled to Cuba
from 30 to 31 October 1962 for meetings with Cuban leaders. His visit was of
importance inasmuch as it gave the Cuban leaders an opportunity to let off
steam.
As the agreement was
being consolidated, President Kennedy, in his letter of 28 October 1962 to
Premier Khruschev wrote: "The distinguished efforts of Acting Secretary-General
U Thant have greatly facilitated both our tasks." When all of the details had
been settled and the crisis was over, the American and Soviet negotiators sent
a joint letter to U Thant that said: "On behalf of the Government of the United
States of America and the Soviet Union, we desire to express to you our
appreciation for your efforts in assisting our Governments to avert the serious
threat to peace which arose in the Caribbean area."
THOUGHTS FOR THE FUTURE
In 1987, Secretary-General Pérez de Cuéllar advocated that
the United Nations system should maintain a Comprehensive Global Watch over
threats to human security. This idea retains its value and should be revived.
The United Nations has regional conflict prevention centres in some parts of
the world, such as West Africa and Central Asia. It would be sound policy to
establish more of these centres. Enhanced cooperation with regional and
sub-regional conflict prevention mechanisms would also be worthwhile. It is
also important to increase the staff of the Department of Political Affairs for
preventive work.
The
Secretary-General, spearheading the roles of the United Nations High
Commissioner for Human Rights and of his Special Advisers on the Responsibility
to Protect and the Prevention of Genocide, should foster diplomacy of democracy
and human rights at the country level. This would facilitate conflict
prevention.
The alleviation of
extreme poverty is crucial, as is the empowerment of women. These are issues of
strategy, as well as of justice. Enhancing human dignity is key to successful
prevention.
The idea of
preventive diplomacy is one of the great UN ideas that will be around for as
long as the world organization exists; for behind it is a simple faith that
whatever might be done to prevent crises or conflicts should be considered.
For further reading see: Bertrand G. Ramcharan Preventive
Diplomacy at the UN. UN Intellectual History project, 2008; and the first UN
Secretariat draft of An Agenda for Peace: Preventive Diplomacy, peacemaking and
peacekeeping.
http://www.un.org/africarenewal/web-features/cameroon-celebrates-its-50th-anniversary
Cameroon
celebrates its 50th anniversary
0
18 January 2012
Topics:
Africa
Cameroon
50th anniversary
independence
Author:
Ernest Harsch
School children march in celebrations marking Cameroon's
50th anniversary of independence.
Photograph: UN Africa Renewal / Ernest Harsch
Yaoundé — The central streets and roundabouts of Cameroon's
hilly capital were adorned with banners, flowers and coloured light displays as
thousands of soldiers and other citizens marched in a festive parade on 20 May
to mark a half century since the country first gained its national sovereignty.
"Cameroon is free and independent," declared a large parade sign. "Unity and
solidarity," "long live national integration," "development of Cameroonian
women" and many other slogans featured on the placards of succeeding
contingents.
Among people in Yaoundé's poorer outlying districts, there
also was some expression of pride, especially during local parades that wound
down their dusty streets in the days leading up to the national commemoration.
But with jobs limited and the prices of basic foodstuffs and other necessities
painfully high, many were more preoccupied with the struggle to simply get by.
And as President Paul Biya reminded Cameroonians in a national address kicking
off the 50th anniversary events, "it must be admitted that the most vulnerable
part of our population, especially in the rural areas, has not seen its
conditions improve significantly" since independence.
Cameroon was not alone in achieving its freedom 50 years
ago, in 1960. Sixteen other African countries — mostly former French colonies
but also Nigeria, Somalia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) — also
attained their sovereignty that year. A number of their leaders joined the
dignitaries on the reviewing platform at the 20 May parade or attended the
opening of a two-day international conference that preceded the event. They
included the presidents of Algeria, Burkina Faso, Central African Republic,
Chad, Congo Republic, Côte d'Ivoire, DRC, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, and São
Tomé and Príncipe. Cameroon's powerful neighbour to the north, Nigeria, was
represented not only by recently inaugurated President Goodluck Jonathan, but
also by former presidents Olusegun Obasanjo and Yakubu Gowon.
Regional peace, domestic strains
Nigeria's high-profile presence in Yaoundé was a tribute to
how much relations between the two countries have improved. In 1981 Nigeria and
Cameroon nearly went to war over the disputed Bakasi Peninsula, followed by
more armed clashes in the 1990s and Nigerian military occupation. Although the
International Court of Justice ruled in 2002 that Bakasi belonged to Cameroon,
it took several more years and concerted UN mediation before Nigeria agreed to
implement the ruling and finally withdrew in 2008. The peaceful resolution of
that border conflict was especially notable for a region of Africa that has
seen so many wars and insurgencies.
Unlike many of its neighbours, Cameroon itself has remained
at relative peace — that is, after the bloody years that marked its birth as an
independent state. Before France finally agreed to end its administrative rule,
radical pro-independence insurgents led by Ruben Um Nyobé fought a tenacious
struggle for sovereignty in the late 1950s, but were militarily defeated.
President Ahmadou Ahidjo, who came to power with French backing, continued
counter-insurgency operations against the remnants of the rebellion into the
early 1970s. That experience reinforced the authoritarian tendencies of the
government, which also centralized the Cameroonian state in 1972 by abolishing
a federal system that was established in 1961 when an Anglophone territory
previously administered by the UK voted to join Cameroon.
That history has left a lasting and controversial legacy.
During the 20 May parade, members of a political party claiming allegiance to
the early pro-independence insurgents were barred from carrying portraits of Um
Nyobé and other rebel leaders. Activists of another party, the largest
opposition group in parliament, unfurled signs calling for a return to
federalism and denouncing the electoral commission as biased in favour of
President Biya's party.
A number of Cameroonians — opposition supporters,
independent journalists, academics and even some members of the ruling party —
openly express disillusionment with the country's seeming political stagnation,
despite the return to multiparty politics in the early 1990s. President Biya
has been in office for 28 years, ever since Mr. Ahidjo stepped down after an
illness in 1982. The constitution was amended in 2008 to permit the 77-year-old
incumbent to run for re-election yet again in 2011.
Economic ups and downs
Government supporters argue that such prolonged political
stability has been an important factor in the country's economic and social
achievements. With a population of 20 million, Cameroon is rich in timberland
and waterways, exploits notable oil deposits and other mineral resources and
has a diversified manufacturing sector. Its per capita gross domestic product
is among the top 10 in sub-Saharan Africa.
But like many of its neighbours, Cameroon remains vulnerable
to external economic shocks. As President Biya has noted, these include
deteriorating terms of trade, a slowdown in growth in Europe and Asia (to which
Cameroon sells many of its exports) and erratic price fluctuations for oil and
other raw materials. "All these phenomena have had negative consequences for
our economy," he said.
In recent years, Cameroon's economic growth rates have
generally been below the sub-Saharan average. Nearly 58 per cent of its people
earn less than US$2 a day, and a third under US$1.25 a day. In 2008, sharply
higher food and fuel prices prompted serious rioting in Yaoundé, Douala and
more than two dozen other towns.
According to numerous analysts, such problems are worsened
by Cameroon's high levels of income inequality and its pervasive corruption.
Although scores of government officials, including several ministers, have been
arrested on charges of embezzlement and fraud under an anti-corruption
crackdown known as Operation Sparrowhawk, Cameroon continues to be ranked by
Transparency International and other groups among the more corrupt countries in
Africa.
On the positive side, Cameroon has invested heavily in
education. After some deterioration in the 1990s resulting from budgetary
constraints, government spending began to increase in 2000, leading to the
construction of thousands of new classrooms, higher salaries for teachers and
the abolition of fees for primary school students. The country's enrolment
ratios are comparable to the average for sub-Saharan Africa, and its literacy
rate is slightly above the average. Cameroon now has 190,000 students in its
seven universities, compared with just 1,000 university students in 1961.
In the hopes that these young Cameroonians will eventually
be able to find jobs, the government has recently launched a 10-year "growth
and employment" strategy. It aims to increase investments in roads, power
networks and other infrastructure, modernize aging industries and strengthen
health, education and professional training.
— Africa Renewal online
http://www.un.org/africarenewal/web-features/cameroon-celebrates-its-50th-anniversary
Trust
and Non-Self-Governing Territories (1945-1999)
http://www.un.org/en/decolonization/nonselfgov.shtml
Trust and Non-Self-Governing Territories (1945-1999)
The following
Territories have been subject to United Nations Trusteeship Agreements or were
listed by the General Assembly as Non-Self-Governing. Dates show the year of
independence or other change in a Territory's status, after which information
was no longer submitted to the United Nations.
- Administering
States -
| AUSTRALIA | BELGIUM | DENMARK | FRANCE | ITALY |
NETHERLANDS |
| NEW ZEALAND |
PORTUGAL | SOUTH AFRICA | SPAIN | UNITED KINGDOM | UNITED STATES |
Administering Power/ Authority
Territory
Status
Year
Australia
Cocos (Keeling) Islands
Change in Status
1984
Papua
Independence as Papua New Guinea
1975
Nauru
Trust Territory
Independence
1968
New Guinea
Trust Territory
Independence as Papua New Guinea
1975
Belgium
Belgian Congo
Independence as Congo Leopoldville, then Zaire
Now Democratic
Republic of the Congo
1960
Ruanda-Urundi
Trust Territory
Independence as Burundi
1962
Independence as Rwanda 1962
Denmark
Greenland Change
in Status
1954
France
French Equatorial Africa Independence
as Chad
1960
Independence
as Gabon 1960
(Middle Congo) Independence
as Congo (Brazzaville)
Now Republic of the
Congo 1960
(Ubangi Shari) Independence
as Central African Republic 1960
French Establishments in India
Change in Status
1947
French Establishments in Oceania
Change in Status
1947
French Guiana Change in
Status
1947
French Somaliland
Independence as Djibouti
1977
French West Africa
Independence as Dahomey
Now Benin
1960
(French Guinea) Independence
as Guinea 1958
(French Sudan) Independence
as Mali 1960
Independence
as Ivory Coast 1960
Independence
as Mauritania 1960
(Niger Colony) Independence
as Niger 1960
Independence
as Senegal 1960
Independence
as Upper Volta
Now Burkina-Faso 1960
Guadeloupe and Dependencies Change
in Status
1947
Indo-China
Independence as Cambodia
1953
Independence as Laos 1949
Independence as Viet Nam 1945
Madagascar and Dependencies
Independence as Madagascar
1960
Independence as Comoros 1975
Martinique
Change in Status
1947
Morocco
Independence
1956
New Caledonia 1 and Dependencies
Change in Status
1947
New Hebrides
(Under Anglo-French
Condominium)
Independence as Vanuatu
1980
Reunion
Change in Status
1947
St. Pierre and Miquelon
Change in Status
1947
Tunisia
Independence
1956
Cameroons
Trust Territory
Independence as Cameroon
1960
French Togoland
Trust Territory
Independence as Togo
1960
Italy
Somaliland
Trust Territory
Independence as Somalia (joined with British Somaliland)
1960
Netherlands
Netherlands Indies
Independence as Indonesia
1949
Netherlands New Guinea
Joined with Indonesia as Irian Jaya
1963
Netherlands Antilles
Change in Status
1951
Surinam
Change in Status
1951
Independence as Suriname 1975
New Zealand
Cook Islands
Change in Status
1965
Niue Island
Change in Status
1974
Western Samoa
Trust Territory
Independence as Samoa
1962
Portugal
Angola, including the enclave of Cabinda
Independence
1975
Cape Verde Archipelago
Independence as Cape Verde
1975
Goa and Dependencies
Change in Status
1961
Portuguese Guinea
Independence as
Guinea Bissau
1974
Macau and Dependencies
Change in Status
1972
Mozambique
Independence
1975
Sao Joمo Batista de Ajuda
Change in Status
1961
Sao Tome and Principe
Independence
1975
East Timor 2
Independence as Timor Leste
2002
South Africa
South West Africa
General Assembly terminated South Africa's mandate
1966
Independence as Namibia 1990
Spain
Fernando Póo and Rí Muni
Independence as Equatorial Guinea
1968
Ifni
Change in Status
1969
United Kingdom
Aden Colony and Protectorate
Independence as South Yemen
1967
Bahamas
Independence
1973
Barbados
Independence
1966
Basutoland
Independence as Lesotho
1966
Bechuanaland Protectorate
Independence as Botswana
1966
British Guiana
Independence as Guyana
1966
British Honduras
Independence as Belize
1981
British Somaliland
Independence as Somalia (joined with Italian Somaliland)
1960
Brunei
Independence
Now Brunei Darussalam
1984
Cyprus
Independence
1960
Fiji
Independence
1970
Gambia
Independence as The Gambia
1965
Gilbert and Ellice Islands Colony
Independence as Kiribati
1979
Independence as Tuvalu 1978
Gold Coast Colony and Protectorate
Independence as Ghana
1957
Hong Kong
Change in Status
1972
Jamaica
Independence
1962
Kenya
Independence
1963
Leeward Islands
(Antigua) Independence
as Antigua
and Barbuda 1981
(St. Kitts- Nevis-Anguilla) Independence
as St. Kitts and Nevis (separated from Anguilla) 1983
Malayan Union
Independence as Federation of Malaya
Now Malaysia [3]
1957
Malta
Independence
1964
Mauritius
Independence
1968
Nigeria
Independence
1960
North Borneo 3
Change in status
1963
Northern Rhodesia
Independence as Zambia
1964
Nyasaland
Independence as Malawi
1964
Sarawak 3
Change in status
1963
Seychelles
Independence
1976
Sierra Leone
Independence
1961
Singapore 3
Independence
1965
Solomon Islands
Independence
1978
Southern Rhodesia
Independence as Zimbabwe
1980
Swaziland
Independence
1968
Trinidad and Tobago
Independence
1962
Uganda
Independence
1962
Windward Islands
(Dominica) Independence
as Dominica 1978
(Grenada) Independence
as Grenada 1974
(St. Lucia) Independence
as St. Lucia 1979
(St. Vincent) Independence
as St. Vincent and the Grenadines 1979
Zanzibar
Independence 4 as United Republic of Tanganyika and Zanzibar
Now Republic of
Tanzania
1963
Cameroons
Trust Territory
Northern Cameroons joined with Nigeria
1961
Southern Cameroons joined with Cameroon 1961
Togoland
Trust Territory
Joined Gold Coast to form Ghana
1957
Tanganyka
Trust Territory
Independence 3 as United Republic of Tanganyika and Zanzibar
after joining
with Zanzibar
Now Republic of
Tanzania
1963
United States
Alaska
Change in Status
1959
Hawaii
Change in Status
1959
Panama Canal Zone
Change in Status
1947
Puerto Rico
Change in Status
1952
Pacific Islands
Trust Territory
Change in Status as Federated Sates of Micronesia
1990
Change in Status as Republic of the Marshall Island 1990
Change in Status as Northern Mariana Islands 1990
Change in Status as Palau 1994
http://www.sjsu.edu/faculty/watkins/cameroon
The Economy and Political
Economic History of
Cameroon
The region of Cameroon has had human occupation since about
8,000 BCE. There have been small tribal groups in the area since time
immemorial. They lived by hunting, gathering and later subsistence agriculture.
They had no notable treasures so the imperial powers of Britain, France and
Portugal did not bother to lay claim to Cameroon. When the German Empire
decided to acquire territory in African it had to take the remnants like
Cameroon. These remnant did not generally have any coherence. This made little
difference when units were being governed by an imperial power, but it did make
a difference when these remnants became independent.
Cameroon's experience during the imperial era was unique. In
1918 France occupied part of German Cameroon and Britain occupied the other
part. The battles of the French and British against the German forces is
depicted in the movie Black and White in Color. In that movie the native
African troops identify with their imperial masters and hurl insults at each
other that would make sense only if the troops were European.
Later the French and British sections of Cameroon were
united. The re-united Cameroon achieved independence in 1960 under the
leadership of Ahmadou Ahidjo.
The Political Succession Crisis of the Early 1980's
Ahmadou Ahidjo became the president of Cameroon two years
befo Cameroon became independent in 1960 and continued in that position with
seemingly no intentions of ever relinquishing it. Unexpectedly in November of
1982 he did resign and allowed Prime Minister Paul Biya to succede him. Ahidjo
cited ill health as the reason for his resignation. Ahidjo retired to France.
In June of 1983 President Paul Biya dismissed from
government four men who had been influential during the regime of Ahmadou
Ahidjo. Then in late August President Biya announced that a plot to overthrow
the government. In France Ahidjo, whose health had recovered after a short
rest, started making radio speeches condemning Biya. Ahidjo, when he resigned
the presidency, retained his position as head of the single political party of
the country, the Union Nationale Camerounaise (UNC). Once Ahidjo began his
political attacks against Biya there was a movement to replace Ahidjo as head
of the UNC and to avoid being dismissed Ahidjo resigned. Biya became head of
the UNC.
In January of 1984 there was a presidential election which
Biya won. Shortly thereafter Ahidjo and two of his associates were indicted and
tried in absentia for plotting the overthrow of the government. They were found
guilty and sentenced to death but Biya pardoned them making a reconciliation
possible. However no reconciliation materialized. In early April of 1984 there
was an attempted coup d'etat by the palace guard that was thwarted only by
violent battle.
Biya was from the south of Cameroon whereas Ahidjo was a
Muslim from the north. When Biya took over the presidency he made a point of
not dismissing members of the palace guard who were from the north. He was
attempting to avoid the regionalization of the administration, but that proved
to be unavoidable. Later when he dismissed northerners from the government he
provoked the crisis. The northerners wanted to re-secure the share of power in
the administration that had existed under Ahidjo. Despite the crisis Paul Biya
survived the succession crisis and has ruled Cameroon ever since. He was
elected at age 71 in 2004 to another seven year term as president.
(To be continued.)
H. E. Prof. KUM Nelson Bame Bame IV,
Ambassador -UPF-UN, Senior Banker, Manager, Entrepreneur, Engineer
www.bamekum.com, www.bamebame.org, www.bamekum.org, www.bamebame.com
A man does what he must in spite of personal consequences, in spite of
obstacles and dangers and pressure -- and that is the basis of all
human morality. (JFK)
--- On Wed, 2/13/13, H.E. KUM Nelson Bame IV nelson_bame@yahoo.com> wrote:
From: H.E. KUM Nelson Bame IV nelson_bame@yahoo.com>
Subject: The UN and the Case for the Southern Cameroons --- Union or
DisUnion is Optional!
To: cameroon_politics@yahoogroups.com, cameroonforum@yahoogroups.com,
camnetwork@yahoogroups.com, africanpolitics@yahoogroups.com,
africantalk@yahoogroups.com, africanunityDFW@yahoogroups.com, "Menchum
Worldwide" menchumworldwide@googlegroups.com>,
WECUDA_USA@yahoogroups.com, "Nigerian Politics"
naijapolitics@yahoogroups.com>, Africanpolitics@yahoogroups.com,
AfricanTalk@yahoogroups.com, ub_alumni@yahoogroups.com,
UB_Alumni@yahoogroups.com
Date: Wednesday, February 13, 2013, 2:36 PM
The southern
Cameroons
(The British
English Cameroons)
(Article In Development)
An African
Experiment in
Developments
and Hper-Threads.
Southern Cameroons
joins the French Cameroon in 1961 as a United Federation with two different
political and cultural identities with intent of co-existing under a defined
FEDERAL Union – not a Centralized Dictatorship.
It is clear across all History that after WWII, the French and English
Cameroon territories were two different geo-political and separate
SATES. The UN does not compell any aggregation of
HUMANS to co-exist whereby consistent mutual co-existence becomes absolultely
impossible. Human freedom as individuals
or nations to function as one entity or separate entities is the free
WILL of the
people in question – not dictatorships.
Is it possible or impossible to remand the UNION? Basic Answer:
It is possible to Break any UNION that is abortive from the
inception, talkless of an abusive and fruitless UNION.
UN Trusteeship Council
The Trusteeship Council, one of the main organs of the
United Nations, was established under Chapter XIII of the Charter to supervise
the administration of Trust Territories and to ensure that Governments
responsible for their administration took adequate steps to prepare them for
the achievement of the Charter goals.
The Charter authorizes the Trusteeship Council to examine
and discuss reports from the Administering Authority on the political,
economic, social and educational advancement of the peoples of Trust
Territories; to examine petitions from the Territories; and to undertake
special missions to the Territories.
To date, all Trust Territories have attained self-government
or independence, either as separate States or by joining neighbouring
independent countries. In 1994, the Security Council terminated the
United Nations
Trusteeship Agreement for the last of the original 11 Territories on its agenda
- the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands (Palau), administered by the
United States.
The Trusteeship Council, by amending its rules of procedure,
will now meet as and where occasion may require.
----------------------------------------------------------
Southern Cameroons
seeks implementation of verdict on self-determination
about 2 days ago
http://www.theguardianmobile.com/readNewsItem1.php?nid=10707
THE citizens of Southern Cameroons, through their counsel,
Okoi Obono-Obla, have written to Nigeria's Attorney General of the Federation
and Minister of Justice, Mohammed Bello Adoke (SAN), urging the Federal
Government to immediately comply with the Consent Judgment in Suit No.
FHC/ABJ/CS/30/2002 of March 25, 2002, delivered by the former Chief Judge of
the Federal High Court, Justice Roseline Ukeje, which was in their favour.
The peoples of
Southern Cameroons, represented by Dr. Kevin Ngwang Gumni, Augustine Feh
Ndangam, Chief Ette Otun Ayamba, Prof. Victor Mlkwele Ngoi, Dr. Martin Ngeka,
Nfot Ngala Nfor, Hitler Mbinglo, Dogbima Henry, K Mundam, Simon Ninpa, Shey
Tafon, Paul Yiwir and Isaac Sona, had sued the Federal Government of Nigeria at
the Federal High Court, Abuja.
In the suit, the
plaintiffs, through their originating summons, urged the court to determine
whether the Union envisaged under the Southern Cameroon Plebiscite 1961 between
La Republique du Cameroun and Southern Cameroons legally took effect as
contemplated by the relevant United Nations Resolutions, particularly the
United Nations General Assembly Resolution 1352 (XIV) of October 16, 1959, and
United Nations Trusteeship Council Resolution 2013 (XXIV) of May 31, 1960.
They also want the
court to determine whether the termination by the Government of the United
Kingdom of its trusteeship over the Southern Cameroon on September 30, 1961,
without ensuring prior implementation of the constitutional arrangements under
which the Southern Cameroons and La Republique du Cameroun were to unite as one
federal state, was not in breach of Articles 3 and 6 of the Trusteeship
Agreement for the Territory of the Cameroons under British administration as
approved by the United Nations General Assembly on December 13, 1946, the
United Nations General Assembly Resolutions 1352 of October 16, 1959, 1608 of
April 2, 1961, the United Nations Trusteeship Council Resolution 2013 (XIV) of
May 31, 1960, and Article 76 (b) of the Charter of the United Nations.
The Southern
Cameroons also wants the court to determine whether the assumption of sovereign
powers on October 1, 1961, and the continued exercise of same by the government
of La Republique du Cameroun over Southern Cameroon after the termination by
the government of the United Kingdom of its trusteeship over the territory was
legal and valid when the union between Southern Cameroons and La Republique du
Cameroun contemplated by the Southern Cameroon Plebiscite 1961 had not legally
taken effect.
===============================================================
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Southern_Cameroons
Southern Cameroons
From Wikipedia, the
free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Not to be confused
with South Region (Cameroon).Southern Cameroons
Part of the Cameroons
← 1922–1961
→
Flag
The Southern
Cameroons now constitue the Northwest and Southwest Provinces of Cameroon.
Capital Buea
History
- British Mandate 1922
- Joined Cameroon October 1 1961
Area
- 1987 42,383
km2 (16,364 sq mi)
Population
- 1987 2,100,000
Density 49.5 /km2 (128.3 /sq mi)
Southern Cameroons was the southern part of the British
Mandate territory of Cameroons in West Africa. Since 1961 it is part of the
Republic of Cameroon, where it makes up the Northwest Region and Southwest
Region. Since 1994, pressure groups in the territory have sought independence
from the Republique of Cameroon (La Republique du Cameroun), and the Republic
of Ambazonia was formally declared by the Southern Cameroons Peoples
Organisation (SCAPO) on 31 August 2006.Contents
[hide]
1 League of Nations Mandate
2 Trust Territory
3 Independence movement
4 Bakassi Peninsula
5 See also
6 References
7 Sources and External links
[edit]
League of Nations Mandate
Following the Treaty of Versailles, the German territory of
Kamerun was formally divided on June 28, 1919 between a French and a British
League of Nations Mandate, the French, who had previously administered the
whole occupied territory, getting the larger. The French mandate was known as
Cameroun. The British mandate comprised two geographically separate
territories, Northern Cameroons and Southern Cameroons. They were administered
from, but not joined to, the British territory of Nigeria through the British
Resident (although some incumbents had the rank of District Officer, Senior
Resident or Deputy Resident) with headquarters in Buea.
Applying the principle of indirect rule, the British allowed
native authorities to administer populations according to their own traditions.
These also collected taxes, which were then paid over to the British. The
British devoted themselves to trade, and to exploiting the economic and mining
resources of the territory. South Cameroons students, including Emmanuel Mbela
Lifafa Endeley, created the Cameroons Youth League (CYL) on 27 March 1940, to
oppose what they saw as the exploitation of their country.
[edit]
Trust Territory
When the League of Nations ceased to exist in 1946, most of
the mandate territories were reclassified as UN trust territories, henceforth
administered through the UN Trusteeship Council. The object of trusteeship was
to prepare the lands for eventual independence. The United Nations approved the
Trusteeship Agreements for British Cameroons to be governed by Britain on 6
December 1946.
Southern Cameroons was divided in 1949 into two provinces:
Bamenda (capital Bamenda, hence also thus named) and Southern (capital Buea).
Yet the residential type of administration was continued with a single British
Resident at Buea, but in 1949 Edward John Gibbons was appointed Special
Resident, and on 1 October 1954, when political power shifted to the elected
government, succeeded himself as first of only two Commissioners.
Following the Ibadan General Conference of 1950, a new
constitution for Nigeria devolved more power to the regions. In the subsequent
election thirteen Southern Cameroonian representatives were elected to the
Eastern Nigerian House of Assembly in Enugu. In 1953, however, the Southern
Cameroons representatives, unhappy with the domineering attitude of Nigerian
politicians and lack of unity among the ethnic groups in the Eastern Region,
declared a "benevolent neutrality" and withdrew from the assembly. At a
conference in London from 30 July to 22 August 1953, the Southern
Cameroons delegation
asked for a separate region of its own. The British agreed, and Southern
Cameroons became an autonomous region with its capital still at Buea. Elections
were held in 1954 and the parliament met on 1 October 1954, with E.M.L. Endeley
as Premier. As Cameroun and Nigeria prepared for Independence, South Cameroons
nationalists debated whether their best interests lay with union with Cameroun,
union with Nigeria or total independence. Endeley was defeated in elections on
1 February 1959 by John Ngu Foncha.
The United Nations organised a plebiscite in the Cameroons
on 11 February 1961 which put two alternatives to the people: union with
Nigeria or union with Cameroun. The third option, independence, was opposed by
the UK representative to the UN Trusteeship Council, Sir Andrew Cohen, and as a
result was not put. In the plebiscite, Northern Cameroons voted for union with
Nigeria, and Southern Cameroons for union with (the formerly French) Cameroun.
[edit]
Independence movement
Flag of the
independence movement
Southern Cameroons became part of Cameroon on 1 October
1961. Foncha served as Prime Minister of West Cameroun and Vice-President of
the Federal Republic of Cameroun. However, the English-speaking peoples of the
Southern Cameroons (now West Cameroun) did not believe that they were fairly
treated by the French-speaking government of the country. Following a
referendum on 20 May 1972, a new constitution was adopted in Cameroun which
replaced the federal state with a unitary state. Southern Cameroons lost its
autonomous status and became the Northwest Province and Southwest Province of
the Republic of Cameroun. The Southern Cameroonians felt further marginalised.
Groups such as the Cameroon Anglophone Movement (CAM) demanded greater
autonomy, or independence, for the provinces.
Pro-independence groups claim that UN resolution 1608 21
April 1961, which required the UK, the Government of the Southern Cameroons and
Republic of Cameroun to engage in talks with a view to agreeing measures for
union of the two countries, was not implemented, and that the Government of the
United Kingdom was negligent in terminating its trusteeship without ensuring
that proper arrangements were made. They say that the adoption of a federal
constitution by Cameroun on 1 September 1961 constituted annexation of South
Cameroons.
Representatives of Anglophone groups convened the first All
Anglophone Conference (AAC1) in Buea from 2 April to 3 April 1993. The
conference issued the "Buea Declaration", which called for
constitutional amendments to restore the 1961 federation. This was followed by
the second All Anglophone Conference (AAC2) in Bamenda in 1994. This conference
issued the "Bamenda Declaration", which stated that if the federal state was
not restored within a reasonable time, Southern Cameroons would declare its
independence. The AAC was renamed the Southern Cameroons Peoples Conference
(SCPC), and later the Southern Cameroons Peoples Organisation (SCAPO), with the
Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC) as the executive governing body.
Younger activists formed the Southern Cameroons Youth League (SCYL) in Buea on
28 May 1995. The SCNC sent a delegation, led by John Foncha, to the United
Nations, which was received on 1 June 1995 and presented a petition against the
'annexation' of the Southern Cameroons by French Cameroun. This was followed by
a signature referendum the same year, which the organisers claim produced a 99%
vote in favour of independence with 315,000 people voting.[1]
Armed members of the SCNC took over the Buea radio station
in Southwest Province on the night of 30 December 1999 and in the early hours
of 31 December broadcast a tape of a proclamation of independence read by Judge
Ebong Frederick Alobwede.
Amnesty International has accused the Cameroun authorities
of human right violations against South Cameroons activists.
Complaint with the African Commission on Human and Peoples
Rights - Communication n° 266/2003:
On 9 January 2003, the Southern Cameroons National Council
(SCNC) and the Southern Cameroons Peoples Organisation (SCAPO) filed a
complaint with the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights against the
Republic of Cameroun (registered as Communication n° 266/2003 Re: Kevin Ngwane
Ngumne and Co., acting on their behalf and on behalf of SCNC/SCAPO and the
Southern Cameroons versus the State of Cameroon). Among other allegations, the
complainants alleged that the Republic of Cameroun is illegally occupying the
territory of Southern Cameroons. The Complainants alleged that the Republic of
Cameroon has violated Articles 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7(1), 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 17(1),
19, 20, 21, 22, 23(1), 24 of the African Charter.[2] The SCNC and SCAPO
ultimately seek the independence of the territory of Southern Cameroons.[3] In
a decision reached at its 45th Ordinary Session on May 27, 2009,[4] the African
Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights found that the Republic of Cameroun has
violated Articles 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, 7(1), 10, 11, 19 and 26 the Charter. The Human
Rights Commission determined that Articles 12, 13, 17(1), 20, 21, 22, 23(1) and
24 have not been violated.
The Human Rights Commission further recognized that under
the African Charter and broad international law, Southern Cameroons meets the
definition of a "people" under international law "because they
manifest numerous characteristics and affinities, which include a common
history, linguistic tradition, territorial connection, and political
outlook". The Human Rights Commission declared itself incompetent rationae
temporis, to rule on allegations that occurred prior to 18 December 1989, date
on which the African Charter came into force for the Respondent State (Republic
of Cameroun). Hence, the Human Rights Commission declared itself incompetent to
rule on the complainants' allegations with respect to events that occurred from
the 1961 United Nations plebiscite to 1972 when the Federal and Union
Constitutions were adopted to form the United Republic of Cameroon during which
the Complainants claim the Respondent State (Republic of Cameroun)
"...established
its colonial rule there, complete with its structures, and its administrative,
military and police personnel, applying a system and operating in a language
alien to the Southern Cameroon." The Human Rights Commission stated,
however that, if the Complainants can establish that any violation committed
before 18 December 1989 continued thereafter, then the Commission shall have
competence to examine it.
The Human Rights Commission addressed the question, whether
the people of Southern Cameroons are entitled to the right to self
determination contextualizing the question by dealing, not with the 1961 UN
Plebiscite, or the 1972 Unification, but rather the events of 1993 and 1994 on
the constitutional demands vis-à-vis the claim for the right to self
determination
of the Southern Cameroonian people. The Human Rights Commission stated that to
invoke Self Determination as prescribed by Article 20 the African Charter, the
Complainant must satisfy the Commission that the two conditions under Article
20(2), namely oppression and domination have been met. Based on events that
occurred after December 18, 1989 the Human Rights Commission noted that the
Complainants have not demonstrated if these conditions have been met to warrant
invoking the right to self determination. The Human Rights Commission also
noted that in their submission, the Respondent State (Republic of Cameroun)
implicitly accepted that self determination may be exercisable by the
Complainants on condition that they establish cases of massive violations of
human rights, or denial of participation in public affairs.
The Human Rights Commission noted that autonomy within a
sovereign state is acceptable, in the context of self government, confederacy,
or federation, while preserving the territorial integrity of a State party, can
be exercised under the African Charter.
The Human Rights Commission recommended that the Respondent
State (Republic of Cameroun) should among other things enter into constructive
dialogue with the Complainants, and in particular, SCNC and SCAPO to resolve
the constitutional issues, as well as grievances.
[edit]
Bakassi Peninsula
Following the International Court of Justice ruling of 10
October 2002 that sovereignty over the Bakassi peninsula rested with Cameroon,
SCAPO claimed that Bakassi was in fact part of the territory of Southern
Cameroons. In 2002, SCAPO took the Nigerian government to the Federal High
Court in Abuja to require it to take a case before the International Court of
Justice to establish the right of the people of the Southern Cameroons to
self-determination. The court ruled in their favour on 5 March 2002. On 14
August 2006 Nigeria formally handed over the Bakassi peninsula to Cameroon.
SCAPO responded by proclaiming the independence of the Republic of Ambazonia,
to include the territory of Bakassi.[5]
Southern Cameroons is a member of the Unrepresented Nations
and Peoples Organization (UNPO) since 2005 and a charter member of the
Organization of Emerging African States (OEAS).
[edit]
See also
Ambazonia
Bakassi
Anglophone Cameroonian
[edit]
References
^ Southern Cameroons Peoples Organisation website
^ African Charter
^ "Southern Cameroons: The Banjul Communiqué".
Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization. 2005-05-23. Retrieved
2009-04-27.
^ Google docs
^ The Proclamation of Independence of the Republic of
Ambazonia
[edit]
Sources and External links
SCNC website
WorldStatesmen- Cameroon
http://www.scncforsoutherncameroons.net/index.php?limitstart=20
Mr. Chairman,
Dear Compatriots,
Standing here on behalf of the Leaders Conclave and on
behalf of millions of our suffering people back in our homeland, Southern
Cameroons, and those who for circumstances beyond their control have fled
abroad, it is an honour to me to be in your midst.
Firstly I want to salute your wisdom and courage for not
only having given birth to the WFN, but above all for keeping it alive for
these five challenging years.
Secondly believing that your patriotic spirit has inspired
you to meet here to look back to 2006 when the WFN was born with legitimate
ambition and given a name of hope, hope not for self but for the people it was
born to serve, I wish to submit that your meeting is indeed timely and
challenging.
Read more...
We Are Southern
Cameroonians, Activists Tell Court
Wednesday, 08 June
2011 15:24 Reporter
E-mail
Monday, June 06, 2011
Culled from thPostWebEdition.com
The Tiko Court room, June 1, was unusually jammed to
capacity and spilled over onto the verandas where stood multitudes of anxious
members of the public, who spent well over seven hours on their feet, peering
through the windows, to witness the trial of some 24 Southern Cameroons
National Council, SCNC, activists.
Last Updated on
Wednesday, 08 June 2011 15:28
Read more...
Memorandum From The
Southern Cameroons National Council
Thursday, 19 May 2011
13:54 Reporter
E-mail
MEMORANDUM FROM THE SOUTHERN CAMEROONS NATIONAL COUNCIL
(SCNC) TO HER MAJESTY'S GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED KINGDOM ON THE BOTCHED
DECOLONISATION OF THE UN TRUST TERRITORY OF BRITISH SOUTHERN CAMEROONS: AN
APPEAL FOR URGENT MEDIATION, By Chief AYAMBA E.O., National Chairman, SCNC.
The British Southern Cameroons, a former United Nations
Trust Territory under the SACRED TRUST of Her Majesty's Government has been a
long time victim of annexation and colonial occupation by La Republiqué du
Cameroun for nearly five decades consequent upon imperfect de-colonisation of
the territory in October 1961.
Last Updated on
Thursday, 19 May 2011 14:54
Read more...
SCAPO Exhorts UN To Decolonise Southern
Cameroons
Tuesday, 03 May 2011
13:42 Reporter
E-mail
Southern Cameroons People's Organisation, SCAPO,
International Coordinator, Professor Martin Ayong Ayim, has said their current
efforts are geared towards getting the United Nations to completely decolonise
the former British Southern Cameroons to prevent unnecessary bloodshed.
"I firmly believe that the United Nations and United
Kingdom erred in the termination of the UN Trusteeship of Southern Cameroons in
violation of all UN Articles and Resolutions, notably; UN Art. 102 (I, II), UN
Res 1608 (XV), UN RES. 1514 (XV) of Dec. 14, 1960, and UN Art. 76(b), Prof.
Ayong Ayim told The Post in an online interview.
Last Updated on
Tuesday, 03 May 2011 13:44
Read more...
Occupation Forces of
LRC Begin Heavy Crackdown on SCNC Activists ahead....
Wednesday, 27 April
2011 20:51 Reporter
E-mail
Normal 0 false false
false EN-US X-NONE X-NONE
While the Pro-consuls of La Republique du Cameroun are
intensifying efforts to intoxicate, manipulate and brainwash Southern
Cameroonians to turn up en-mass and celebrate May 20th which is our dooms-day
and 1st October which they call "Re-unification" day, firm instructions
have been issued by
the Biya regime to commence a heavy crackdown exercise on SCNC activists to
deter them from their God-given right to self-determination. To that
effect, fifteen
SCNC activists ranging between the ages of 39 and 80 years were on the 20th of
April
THE LEGAL ARGUMENT FOR SOUTHERN CAMEROON INDEPENDENCE
SC Workshop – Bamenda
11 February 2005
Presented by Germanus
Dounge
Introduction:
"An annexed people is
always for a king or an Emperor a matter of complex problems for his own people
are always divided on the annexation like the annexed people themselves: he
always has sleepless nights over them until the annexed people free themselves
by sword or by negotiation, for the ashes of annexation are never completely
cold"
Michiavelo Machiaveli
The problem which has
been existing between the Southern Cameroons and La Republique du Cameroun
since 1961 has been given many improper names:
i. Marginalization
(political, economic, social, cultural, and linguistic);
ii. Lack of democracy
in the domain of elections;
iii. Bad governance;
iv. Non-accommodation
of Anglo-French bilingualism on the grounds of the
French domino theory;
v. Dictatorship;
vi. Lack or imbalance
of Affectio societatis between Southern Cameroonians and camerounais;
vii. Annexation
The last name,
annexation, is the appropriate name: the first six have been in use since 1972;
but annexation has been in use only since the peoples of the Southern Cameroons
started their struggle for liberation in 1982 with the meetings of elites of
the North-West and South-West provinces in Douala. These meetings served as the
nucleus of what was to later to become the CAMEROON ANGLOPHONE MOVEMENT (CAM)
in December 1991.
CAM later transmuted
to the SOUTHERN CAMEROONS RESTORATION MOVEMENT (SCARM) in July 1996. CAM
popularized the name, annexation, in its information bulletin called CAM Forum
No. 2. Annexation is the appropriate name because it is justified in
international law. The other names can be justified only in domestic law, that
is, within the framework of a national constitution.
To justify the
current struggle for independence for the Southern Cameroons and win the
sympathy of the international community, SCARM all along has been focusing on
the international status of the Southern Cameroons by exposing, explaining and
upholding the struggle within the framework of international law. This has been
done in four sections:
Section 1 – The
physical and legal birth of the Southern Cameroons under international law;
Section 2 – The
international legal existence of the Southern Cameroons from 1919 to 1946 under
the Leagus of Nations;
Section 3 – The
international legal existence of the Southern Cameroons from 13 December 1946
to 1961 under United Nations Trusteeship;
Section 4 – The
international legal existence of the Southern Cameroons from its annexation on
1st October 1961 to the expected independence.
THE LEGAL ARGUMENT IN INTERNATIONAL LAW FOR INDEPENDENCE FOR
THE SOUTHERN CAMEROONS.
SECTION 1
The Physical and
Legal Birth of the Southern Cameroons under International Law.
The German colony of
KAMERUN was lying between the British colony of NIGERIA and the French colonies
of Tchad, Oubangui-chari, Congo and Gabon. At the outbreak of the First World
War in 1914 the British West African Frontier Forces from The Gambia, Sierra-
Leone, Ghana (the Gold Coast) and Nigeria gathered at Ikom in Nigeria under the
command of General CHARLES C. DOBELL. These British colonial troops entered the
German colony of Kamerun and fought their first battle with German colonial
troops commanded by Colonel Zimmermann at SANAKANG. The French colonial troops
from Tchad, Oubangui-Chari, Congo and Gabon, under the command of General
Joseph AYMERICH, entered KAMERUN to fight the German troops. The war lasted
from 1914 till 1918 with the defeat of the German troops in Kamerun.
The British troops
from the west and the French troops from the east had penetrated right inside
the colony by 1916. The British Secretary for the Colonies, Alfred MILNER and
the French Minister for the Colonies and Navy, Henri SIMON, realizing that
their combined troops were about to capture German KAMERUN, drew a line in 1916
to partition the German colony between Britain and France. As the war
progressed, Alfred MILNER and Henri SIMON signed an agreement to confirm the
line in 1917: the agreement became known as the SIMON – MILNER AGREEMENT which
shared the German colony of KAMERUN into two sectors for Britain in the West
and for France in the East.
When the map of the
partition was sent from London to General Charles C. Dobell, he unexpectedly
rejected the map, sent it back to London in protest on grounds that the
partition of the land from the sea – Tiko through Misselele to Muyuka - is the
area where he lost many of his men, and that land had been put in the French
Sector according to the map; so he could never accept it; that that piece of
land must be in the British Sector.
London rejected
Dobell's argument and refused to modify the map: Dobell threatened to fight the
French troops which were already camping in the disputed area. Realising the
seriousness of Dobell's threat, London gave in and modified the map to include
the disputed area in the British Sector as requested by Dobell. Dobell was
later accused by the British of rebellion and insubordination and sent
on punitive
transfer to Rawalpindi in India (Rawalpindi is today in Pakistan).
The war ended in 1918
with the defeat of Germany and the partition of the German colony of KAMERUN.
Britain and France set up administrations in their respective sectors. In 1919
Britain, France and Germany signed the Versailles Peace Treaty at LE PALAIS DES
GALERIES DES GLACES (Versailles – France) on 28 July 1919. This treaty
confirmed the Simon – Milner Agreement of 1916: and this was the physical and
Legal Birth of the Southern Cameroons in international law binding Britain,
France and Germany, and eye-witnessed by the United States.
It should be noted
that during the war, the United States which had refused to fight alongside
France and Britain when contacted, sold war materials to Britain and France
according to the "Buy and Carry Act" passed by the US Congress as a diplomatic
way of assisting Britain. "Buy and Carry Act" meant you buy them in cash.
According to President Woodrow Wilson "we sell arms to you and you carry them
away at once in one shipment to where you want and to do what you want".
When contacted to
sign the Versailles Peace Treaty as a big power, Woodrow Wilson refused on the
grounds that "we have not been defeated nor have we won in a war we have only
heard of; but we should seat at Versailles as an observer". The Versailles
Peace Treaty, an international treaty, made the Simon – Milne Agreement
boundary the permanent international boundary between the Southern Cameroons
and La Republique du Cameroun du premier janvier 1960.
SECTION 2
The First Specific International Status of the Southern
Cameroons within International Boundaries.
Before the formation
of the League of Nations, the international boundary of the Southern Cameroons
on its eastern border was the one recognised by the Versailles Peace Treaty: on
its western border, the international boundary was the one recognised by the
Anglo – German Treaty of 1913. The League of Nations was founded as an
international organisation to promote, maintain and keep peace around the
world. As manager of international peace, the League of Nations put all the
territories of German colonies captured during the war under a system of
Mandatory Administration to mandated powers. Britain – France - Belgium became
Mandatory Powers respectively for British Cameroons, Tanganyika, Papua New
Guinea, British Togoland; French Cameroun, French Togo; Rwanda – Burundi.
The Southern
Cameroons was given an international status in 1922 as a League of Nations
Mandated Territory under British Administration. In 1931, the League of Nations
requested Britain and France to landmark the international boundary between the
British Cameroons and French Cameroun.
So on 9 January 1931,
the "Cameroons boundary Commission" met in London. Under the supervision of the
League of Nations. Administrators of the British Cameroons and those of French
Cameroun landmarked the international boundary by building concrete cement
pillar marks along the boundary: each landmark was the object of a specific
topographic document which was co-signed by the Administrators of both
countries.
SECTION 3
The Illegitimate and
Illegal claim of Sovereignty over the Territory of the Southern Cameroons by La
Republique du Cameroun on the grounds that the German colony of Kamerun (
Camereroes) became a German colony in 1884 by a Treaty signed between the
German Consul GUSTAV NAGHTIGAL and the Kings of Douala.
That German colony
comprised the current territory of La Republique du Cameroun and the British
Cameroons; but the territory of German Kamerun has gone through a number of
changes of its original boundaries over time. It is known that Germany, under
Chancellor Von Bismark went out later for colonies because Von Bismark had in
the past told the Reishtag (Parliament): "I do not need colonies". But Bismark,
pressured by Von Papin, decided later to get colonies especially in Africa. So
Germany wanted the area from Tangiers to Casablanca in the northern part of
Morocco, a French colony.
The military governor
of Morocco, General Lyanty, bitterly opposed the German request. France and
Germany quarreled over Tangiers – Casablanca; and in order to settle the
dispute, France preferred to offer land to Germany in the heart of Africa where
France had many large colonies: Gabon, Congo, Oubangui – Chari, Tchad. France's
move was probably due to the fact that those four colonies were governed by
civilian governors who, of course, were more amenable than a military governor
like General Lyanty in Morocco, Biaut –Willaumez in Gabon, Saborgnan de Brazzo
(an Italian) in Congo, Captain Lomy in Oubangui – Chari, and Reverend Father
Foureau in Tchad. Germany accepted France's offer first by a treaty on 4
November 1911.
A portion of Tchad
and a portion of Congo were joined to the German colony. By a treaty on 1st
October 1912, a portion of Northern Gabon was joined to Kamerun. On 1st
February 1913, a very large portion of western Oubangui – Chari was joined to
Kamerun. So France expanded the territory of German Kamerun by 275,000 square
kilometers before the outbreak of the war in 1914. By the effect of war, the
expanded German Kamerun was shared between Britain and France.
France and the
Returned Lands from the expanded German Kamerun.
Two factors were at
play:
1. The Mandate of the
League of Nations;
2. The bitter
protests of the populations of the portions of French colonies which were
attached to the original German Kamerun less than five years earlier.
France took over its
portion of the divided German Kamerun in a very brutal manner, especially by
forcefully suppressing the German language. The French-speaking populations who
were joined to German Kamerun soon tabled two complaints: first, that war was
never fought in the areas they inhabited as it was in the German-speaking area;
that they did not yet speak German well; secondly, that they were not colonized
by the Germans; that they willingly collaborated with the French troops against
German troops. So, considering all those complaints, France returned to its
colonies their respective portions of territory she ceded to Germany by
treaties. So the Mandate given to France was applied on its original portion of
German Kamerun, that is, the current territory of La Republique du Cameroun
since 1916.
La Republique du
Cameroun cannot legally claim the territory of the Southern Cameroons; La
Republique du Cameroun has been claiming it as part of German Kamerun. How can
a war booty believe that it is the father or mother of a twin war booty? The
Southern Cameroons and La Republique du Cameroun are both monozygotic twins
(from one egg) of the First World War. ( c/f: London – Cameroons Boundaries
Commission – State Treaties Series No. CMD / 3639 / 03 – 9 January 1931).
SECTION 4
The International Legal Existence of Southern Cameroons from
13 December 1946 till 1st October 1961.
After the Yalta
Conference in 1944 - (Stalin (Soviet Union)– Franklin Delano Roosevelt (USA) –
Orlando (Italy) – Winston Churchill (Britain) - the U.N.O. was formed on 24
October 1945 at San Francisco to replace the League of Nations. On 13 December
1946, the U.N.O. created its Trusteeship Council by UNGAR 63-111 to replace the
Mandates System of the defunct League of Nations. By the same Resolution 63-111
of 13 December 1946, the UN appointed Britain – France – Belgium – Australia –
New Zealand Administering Authorities for the same territories over which there
had been mandated powers of the defunct League of Nations. The same day, 13
December 1946, the U.N.O. signed Trusteeship Agreements with each Administering
Authority for the former Mandated Territories. By these Agreements the former
Mandated Territories became known as UN Trust Territories under the
Administration of the Administering Authority.
The UN and Britain
signed the Trusteeship Agreement No Document A / 152 / REV2 for the British
Cameroons; and No. Document A / 155 / REV2 for La Republique du Cameroun
The Southern
Cameroons then had its second specific international legal status as a UN Trust
Territory. From 13 December 1946 the Southern Cameroons enjoyed its new
international legal status through numerous UNGA Resolutions till 1st October
1961. The most important UN Resolutions on the Southern Cameroons in
chronological order are:
* Resolution 338 – XI
banning public corporal punishment within the territory: from this resolution,
the popular 25 lashes were henceforth given as punishment inside a house, no
more in the public view.
• Resolution 224 –
111 on the Administrative Union between adjacent UN Trust Territories under the
same Administering Authority (see Nigeria and the Southern Cameroons as part of
the Eastern Region of Nigeria till 1959 with Dr. E.M.L. Endeley as Prime
Minister).
• Resolution 1282 –
X111 of 13 July 1958 with British Report T./ 93 on the progress towards
independence.
* Resolution 1350 –
XIV on the principle of a plebiscite in the Southern Cameroons.
• Resolution 1352 –
XIV of 16 October 1959 organizing the plebiscite in both Northern and Southern
British Cameroons.
• Resolution 1608 –
XV of 21 April 1961 on the independence and union with La Republique du
Cameroun.
SECTION 5
The Plebiscites of 11 and 12 February 1961
Definition of plebiscite:
It is a vote to
confirm a decision which has already been taken: in case of a YES vote, the
decision is maintained; in case of a NO vote, the decision should be called off
and the process may be re-launched. But the Southern Cameroons plebiscite was
not a de jure confirmation of the two questions put at the plebiscite. Any YES
vote was a mere wish for union; it was due to have any legal effect only as it
was later specified by Resolution 1608 –XV of 21 April 1961. So the YES vote
for union with La Republique du Cameroun was not legally binding.
Already Resolution
1352 – XIV categorically stated in its paragraph 6:
"the Administering
Authority should take steps to separate the Administration of the Southern
Cameroons from that of Nigeria not later than 1st October 1960".
This paragraph put La
Republique du Cameroun and Nigeria on an equal footing so that on 1st October
1960, the day fixed by the UN for independence for Nigeria, L a Republique du
Cameroun and Nigeria had no legal link with the Southern Cameroons. This put a
legal end to the Administrative union according to Resolution 224.
By contrast, a
referendum is a vote to authorize to take a decision to do something: the two
procedures are not substitutive. The 1961 plebiscite was a vote on a projected
legal union whose legal treaty was due to be worked out as prescribed by
Resolution 1608.
SECTION 6
The Debate on Resolution 1608 – XV at the UNGA on 21st April
1961
The Draft Resolution
was proposed by India (IYA JAIPAL and Chrishna MENON)
-Chairman 14th
General Assembly: Lambertin Dinar (Indonesia)
-Chairman of the
Southern Cameroons item 13 and 41: Adnan PACHASI (Iraq)
-Vice – Chairman:
Miss Silvia Shelton Villalien (Cuba)
-Djabal Abdo (Iran),
Plebiscite Commissioner (seating with consultative status).
Take note that the
vote was in three stages:
Round 1: Termination
of the Trusteeship Agreement for the Southern Cameroons.
Round 2: Independence
and its date.
Round 3: The Treaty
and form of union between the Southern Cameroons and La Republique du Cameroun.
The chairman opened
the Debate by putting to vote the entire Resolution 1608 as drafted by the team
chaired by M. Stravoulopos; and it was accepted by acclamation..
The chairman then put
to vote the Rounds with the following results:-
- Round 1: 50 YES votes, 6 NO votes, 12 abstentions;
- Round 2: 50 YES
votes, 6 NO votes, 12 abstentions;
- Round 3: Union in
the form of a United Federal Republic of Cameroons [Cameroons in the plural (2
Cameroons: La Republique du Cameroun and the Southern Cameroons)]: 50 YES
votes, 21 NO votes, 6 abstentions as specified in paragraph B.
THE TREATY OF UNION:
A constitutional
conference to be held to draft or workout an international Legal Treaty for the
projected union with the assistance of Britain, the Southern Cameroons, La
Republique du Cameroun, three experts in Constitutional and Administrative law.
This Treaty of Union could legally validate the YES vote retroactively.
According to the Law on Treaties (that is their legal system), the draft
constitution must be approved by both parliaments of La Republique du Cameroun
and the Southern Cameroons by a Vote of Acceptance after first and second
readings to the House by the Speaker; readings during which probable questions
on the sensitive points would be asked and answered as well as the
psychological, semantics and syntaxes in the draft.
If it is rejected,
the work on these points must be done again satisfactorily. If it is accepted,
it can be debated on its legal implications. After the debate, it can be
ratified, meaning that it is good. Then a length of time is set for reflection
on it; then after that time, it can be signed, making it internationally
binding in international law.
SECTION 7
Federation:
There two kinds of federation: aggregative and segregative
A Segregative
Federation is a mode of governance by a sovereign state to resolve political,
economic or cultural problems within the state – it is not recognized in
international law – its members are generally called autonomous regions,
provinces or districts: they are not states as defined by the international
law. And in international law they cannot quit the federation because they are
an integral part of the national territory.
An Aggregative
Federation is the form of federation the Southern Cameroons voted for in the
1961 plebiscite – it is formed by sovereign states which have internationally
recognised boundaries. Although the Southern Cameroons was not a sovereign and
independent state, at the time of the plebiscite, it had its international legal
status as a UN Trust Territory which allowed the Southern Cameroons to form an
aggregative federation with La Republique du Cameroun. That was the reason why
the UN could not simply ask the Southern Cameroons at the plebiscite to
integrate itself into La Republique du Cameroun.
It was on this legal
ground that the UN envisioned the workout of a Treaty of Union for the
projected federation according to the international law on Treaties. So one
wonders why La Republique du Cameroun calls the Southern Cameroons a province
of its territory. Members of an aggregative federation are called Federated
States: each of them has the right to quit the federation. Examples of
aggregative federations are: Federation of the Federated States of Micronesia
in the South Pacific, Senegal / Gambia. The majority of federations around the
world are segregative federations: Brazil, India, Nigeria, Argentina,
Australia, Germany, etc.
SECTION 8
The Foumban Conference: How it took place (c/f la Duperie du
Foumban).
"As the Anglophones
were given only three days to study the constitution that sealed their fate" .
Foumban is a calm,
sunny and beautiful town, where Ahmadou Ahidjo used to go to for relaxation
because of his twin friendship between Sultan Seidou and Arouna Njoya.
According to eye-witnesses at the time, Foumban was an island of peace in a
environment where terror reigned in the midst of an armed rebellion. Despite
the enormous means in men and materials put at the disposal of the regular
army, it was not easy for it to crush the rebellion led by the National
Liberation Army of Cameroun, the armed wing of the UPC.
In the two weeks
leading up to the Foumban Conference, it was reported that more than one
hundred people had been killed by terrorists in Loum, Bafang, Ndom and Douala.
The echoes of these killings rapidly spread across the Mungo and seriously
worried a large number of unification advocates there. On several occasions,
Foncha had to publicly express his worries; on July 3, 1961 in Douala he made
the following appeal: "Those who are killing should return to legality and work
for the greatness of this country".
In that climate of
high insecurity in the country, Ahidjo was very much worried about how to
reassure the leaders of the Southern Cameroons; so in deciding on the choice of
Foumban as venue for the conference, Ahidjo thereby wanted to prove to those
leaders that he was the master of peace. But Ahidjo's choice was not completely
without risks. Indeed Sultan Seidou and the traditional council of the Bamoun
people have always been on the side of legality; but it should be remembered
that Felix-Roland Moumie, a son of the soil, was one of the front leaders of
the UPC, and as such , he had won many hearts over to the UPC cause; and he had
even succeeded in introducing the doctrine of the UPC into the Sultan's palace
through one Mekou Samuel who was not only a friend but also the private
secretary to the Sultan. Mekou Samuel had joined the UPC in the early days of
its launching.
Even though the Koutaba
military camp was there to reassure whoever, "the terrorists" of ANLK had
proven that they mastered the field and could carry out any audacious attack
wherever as was confirmed by the recent killing of the SDO, Albert Khong,
through the complicity of DO Samuel Njouma.
In order to curb the
infiltration of terrorists into Bamoun country, the authorities had tightened
preventive security measures: after a short period of relative calm, a curfew
was reinforced in all the administrative units around Foumban effective from
the beginning of July. A stern communiqué issued by the prefet of Mbouda on
July 3, 1961 to the populations that were used to violating the curfew warned
that nobody should be found outdoors from 10pm to 5am in the Mbouda urban area,
and from 7pm to 10pm in the assembling campus in the area of Bamboutos (camps
commando); that from 6.30pm, only the vehicles of the administrative
authorities, army and police were allowed to move. These same measures were
taken in bafang, Bangante and Dschang.
On July 6, 1961 at
the end of his tour in "Bamileke country", the minister of justice pledged to
the administrative authorities that " he will inform the head of state about
the encouraging feeling of the population about the very efficient fight against
terrorism by the authorities". The much publicised tranquillity and serenity
and the paradisaical locality of Foumban was all fake. Of the date of 16 July
1961, only the people of the inner circle, like the minister of interior,
Arouna njoya, knew that Foumban was nothing but an entrenched camp.
Introductions on preparations for the Conference
By all indications,
one can believe that the principle to hold the constitutional conference in
Foumban was adopted in the aftermath of the plebiscite of 11-12 February 1961
in the Southern Cameroons. Watch out! The Sultan of Foumban, Seidou Njoya, was
one of the very few dignitaries who were at the Yaounde airport on March 3,
1961 to welcome Foncha who had come to brief Ahidjo on the outcome of the
plebiscite. Five weeks later, precisely between 11 and 13 APRIL 1961, Ahidjo
received in his palace, one after another, Njoya Arouna, and the nephew of the
latter, Sultan Seidou Njoya of Foumban – since then, these three personalities,
even before all of them died, people have always been tight lipped about the
agenda of their meeting; but one may guess that the guidelines of the proposed
constitutional conference were discussed during the underground meetings of the
trio – Ahidjo – Seidou – Arouna. In fact, soon after that meeting, Yaounde
(Ahidjo) sent strict instructions to the administrative authorities in the
Bamoun country about the big projected event.
Without boasting his
double capacity as eye-witness and as sous prefet of Foumban at that time,
Emmanuel Njoya recounts the story as if it took place just two days ago. Let us
listen to Emmanuel Njoya, now 92 years old, who was the sous-prefet of
Foumban in
1961; hear him:
" I became an
administrative authority in 1955 as assistant DO of Foumban; from 1959 to 1963,
I was the sous-prefet of the same town. Two months before the opening of the
conference, the prefet, Jean-Marcel Mengueme, and myself were instructed and
trusted with the organisation of the conference.
So while waiting for
the politicians to come in for business, the prefet and the sous-prefet had to
resolve the tedious problem of accommodation, feeding and transport of
delegates as well as the animation of Foumban during the six days of the
conference; decent houses hosting functionaries were requested; big farmers
likeLaurent Guerpillon, Andre Blanc, Trolier et Charles Ock Dopher were
solicited and contributed by putting at our disposal either a vehicle or a
beautiful house; this local contribution was meagre compared to the huge means
that were sent from Yaounde. As I must speak the truth, we cajoled, lured and
enticed the Anglophones by our way of welcoming them; we were given so
many things
to prepare for the conference----- with all these things at our disposal, we
lured the Anglophones.
Ahidjo and Foncha
were accommodated in the Sultan's palace where the Sultan himself took care of
them. As concerns the others, we were given a special assignment to blindfold
them: so each delegate had a refrigerator in his room, which was always full of
champagnes and other assorted drinks; each big one among them had two
refrigerators in his room, had a well-made bed with the most beautiful
and expensive
mattress and beddings. In addition, there were two beautiful girls who were
assigned to permanently take care of him. These are the things which normally
should not be told- these girls were instructed to permanently take care of our
guests--that was real corruption-corruption has always existed- it has not
started today..but at that time, it was not corruption for selfish interests as
it is today..at the time it was good corruption to build the country.
As for the agenda of
the activities, it included ballroom dances every evening throughout the week;
cocktails followed by ballroom dances in Auberge de Foumban, prefet's
residence, sous-prefet's residence, Dr. Herve's residence; these were the
logistics put in place when the delegations set foot on the soil of Foumban on
July 16, 1961.
Arrival of delegations
First to arrive was
the delegation of La republique du Cameroun du premier janvier 1960, headed by
Ahmadou Ahidjo: it comprised Charles Assale (premier minister), Charles Okala
(minister des affaires etrangeres), Josue Tetang (Secretaire d'Etat a
l'Information), Christian Tobie Kuoh (Secretaire general du minister des
Affaires etrangeres), the Guinea-Conakry-born Cheick Kekou Sissoko (chef du
Secretariat particulierd'Ahmadou Ahidjo). Arouna Njoya(, Minister of interior,
had been come ahead of the delegation to supervise the preparations for the
conference.
The delegation of the
Southern Cameroons left Tiko by a twin engine plane on the same 16 July 1961
and landed at Koutaba; as soon as it landed, the delegation left for Foumban by
road where they arrived in the afternoon in the midst of an immense and
enthusiastic crowd. It was made up of John Ngu Foncha, Emmanuel Liffaffe
Endeley, Augustine Ngom Jua, Solomon Tandeng Muna, Nerius Namasso Mbile, John
Bokwe, Bernard Fonlon; ten KNDP members, five CPNC members and two Ok members,
and traditional rulers. At night fall, the delegation, still very tired after
the long tedious journey from Tiko to Foumban, found solace for their tiredness
by joining the immense crowd in singing and drinking; the ceremony was animated
by Orchestre Irenee and Victor Priso band at the Auberge de Foumban.
The next day, 17 July
1961, the delegates, highly spirited, moved into the premises of the Cours
complementaire (Teachers Training college). Consecutive speeches from Ahidjo,
Foncha and Endeley lauded the singular opportunity for the come together.
Endeley, leader of the opposition who had threatened to raise one hundred
thousand men to break away and join Nigeria during the plebiscite campaigns,
had already forgotten about that threat.
Opening the Conference by Ahidjo on July 17, 1961
Ahidjo, standing by
the edge of a very long table covered with a green cloth, opened the
constitutional conference that brought together the delegates of la Republique
du Cameroun and those of the Southern Cameroons which was still a UN Trust
Territory evolving towards the termination of the Trusteeship Agreement and
independence. Ahidjo said: "The Bamoun country which I have chosen to host this
conference, and whose chief, Sultan Seidou, is our friend whom I warmly thank
for welcoming us so heartily, is a country where one would like to go for rest
and relaxation". This is how Ahidjo justified his choice of Foumban as the
venue for the conference.
Soon after the
speeches, the trust and confidence of the Southern Cameroons delegation was
rudely shattered by Ahidjo: to the surprise of the Southern Cameroons
delegates, Ahidjo rudely requested them to make their observations on the Draft
constitution. "Which constitution?" Southern Cameroons delegates shouted! They
had thought that they had come to Foumban together with Ahidjo's delegation in
order to jointly draft a constitution for the future federal united state. They
were very embarrassed to learn that the drtaft constitution had been handed to
Foncha for screening and studying long ago; but Foncha kept the Document
secret.
The All Party
Conference that held in Bamenda a month earlier had been the occasion to screen
and debate the Ahidjo draft constitution. Mbile said: " We have the feeling
that we have waisted our time coming to Foumban for the draft to be tabled to
us for our observations in this way. This is in total contradiction to our
expectations; instead of a draft confederal constitution, we are being
requested to make observations on a draft highly centralised constitution with
unlimited powers; members of the CPNC delegation can now understand what Foncha
meant when he said in the Akwa meeting hall in Douala on 13 July 1961: "the
goals of the struggle have been completely achieved".
Ngom Jua's angry
surprise seemed to indicate that even within the KNDP everybody was not aware
of the handing of the draft constitution to Foncha. Bitter protests erupted
from all round: the protesting Southern Cameroons delegation demanded that they
should be given three more weeks to study the draft. They recalled the
constitutional conferences of London in 1953, 1957, and 1958, each of them
having lasted for at least three weeks.
Endeley warned: "Too
much haste would have far-reaching consequencies on the people of the
Cameroons".
Ngom Jua screamed: "I
have never seen people expected to write a constitution in two days!"
The tense atmosphere
of unhappiness and protests caused one journalist to write: " political
observers are wondering if it is really here in Foumban in this rowdy
atmosphere that the guidelines of a federal constitution are going to be
effectively drawn".
Finally, just after
the mid-day meal, the Southern Cameroons delegation sat down to work in
studying the Ahidjo draft constitution. The atmosphere was kafkaienne: counting
on their experience gained during the constitutional conferences in London and
Lagos (Lugard, MacPherson, Littleton constitutions) the Southern Cameroons
delegates worked really hard on the Draft brought to them from Yaounde. While
they were working in anger, distrust and suspicion, the francophones were
relaxing calmly as they had spent months to draft the constitution with the
assistance of French experts in constitutional law.
The atmosphere of the
workshop was often rowdy; from time to time delegates shouted in protest and in
anger. According to Namasso Mbile, Foncha, feeling guilty for having deprived
his colleagues of the opportunity to study the draft at the All Party
Conference in Bamenda, adapted a low profile throughout the working session.
On Thursday night,
the Southern Cameroons delegation handed the report of their work to the
francophone side: the report contained amendments demanded by the Foncha
delegation on the following points:
1. The Flag.
2. National Anthem.
3. Motto
4. Federal Capital to
be in Douala.
5. Electoral maturity
at 21.
6. Secret ballot.
7. Powers and
attributions of the federal president.
8. Presidential
mandates limited to two.
9. A federal assembly
made up of a national assembly and a senate.
10. Double
nationality.
11. Primary and
Higher education system.
12. Cancellation of
the word INDIVISIBLE from the constitution.
Unification
The next day, Friday,
July 21, 1961, the last plenary session was opened by Ahidjo with fanfare and
festivities as many traditional dance groups from all over Bamoun country had
been converging at Njinka since dawn , and the festivities went on till 4pm.
At 4pm Foncha took
the floor and congratulated everyone for the team spirit and fraternity that
prevailed during the working session.
Endeley took the
floor after Foncha and warmly thanked Sultan Seidou for the lavish welcome
given to them and expressed his high satisfaction for the success of the work;
he concluded as follows:
"Mr. President, we
shall always be completely loyal to you whenever you should request our
collaboration for the larger interests of Cameroon".
At 4.30pm, Ahidjo
took the floor to address the plenary session; he swiftly and rudely gave
answers to the demands of the Southern Cameroons delegation for amendments to
the draft constitution. A second shock awaited the Southern Cameroons
delegation: Ahidjo, in a rather dictatorial manner, brushed aside all the
demands tabled by the Southern Cameroons delegation.
He said: "The word
indivisible will be cancelled, but a clause guaranteeing the integrity of the
federation and preventing any possibility of secession shall be introduced. For
lack of big financial means, there is no room for a bicameral parliament; the
House of Chiefs will be maintained; Yaounde must remain the federal capital.
-There is no room for double nationality; -The president and the vice-president
shall be elected by universal suffrage. -While waiting for the setting up of
new institutions, the functions of the federal president and federal
vice-president
shall be performed by the president of la republique du Cameroun and the prime
minister of the Southern Cameroons"
The Foumban conference did not satisfy the prescription of
UN GA Resolution 1608 (XV) of 21 April 1961, neither in form nor in substance.
SECTION 9
The Independence of
La Republique du Cameroun du premier Janvier 1960
The United Nations,
by UNGAR 1349 – XIV of 13 March 1959 decided to grant independence to le
Territoire soustutelle l'ONU du Cameroun sous administration francaise on 1st
January 1960. The Territory did achieve independence on 1st January 1960. The
British permanent representative at the UN, Sir Andrew Cohen, represented
Britain at the independence ceremony.
A Constitutional
referendum was held on 12 February 1960. On 4 March 1960, the constitution as
approved by the referendum was promulgated.
- On 10 April 1960,
presidential elections took place: the president was elected by the Depute's at
the National Assembly. There could not be elections by universal suffrage
because there was an insurrection ravaging the country. Ahidjo had only one
opponent, Abel Eyinga, who was not residing in Cameroun but in Algeria as a
lecturer in the Faculty of Law in Algiers and France.
- On 28 January 1960,
the newly independent La Republique du Cameroun applied for UN membership.
- On 20 September
1960, by UNGA Resolution 1476 – XIV La Republique du Cameroun was granted UN
membership.
- On 6 August 1961,
the National Assembly amended the constitution of 4 March 1960 by 88 YES votes,
zero NO votes, and 6 abstentions.
- On 1st September
1961, the amended constitution was promulgated as the federal constitution of
the Federal Republic of Cameroon. This was done in total violation of the
strict and specific prescriptions of the UNGA Resolution 1608 –XV of 21 April
1961 on the projected union between La Republic du Cameroun and the Southern
Cameroons as the outcome of the UN-sponsored plebiscite of 11 and 12 February
1961 in the British Cameroons. The federal constitution of 1st September 1961
was signed by the president of La Republique du Cameroun, Ahmadou Ahidjo,
alone; never by John Ngu Foncha, the Prime Minister of the Southern Cameroons.
SECTION 10
La Republique du Cameroun and the Southern Cameroons were
not a Franco – British Condominium:
A condominium is a
Latin word meaning a house jointly managed by two equal masters. So a
condominium is a territory jointly ruled by two powers according to a treaty
they signed in international law. Examples of condominiums are: the present
island of St. Martin in the West Indies = Netherlands West Indies, Aruba –
Bonaire – Curacao – Saba – St. Martin – St. Eustache. St. Martin is jointly
ruled by France and The Netherlands. The New Hebrides (today Vanuatu) was a
Franco – British condominium; it was a bilingual French – English condominium.
But take note that a condominium is not necessarily a matter of languages: the
language factor is incidental. So a condominium could be monolingual. What is
important is its international legal status.
In the case of New
Hebrides, four months before Britain and France granted independence, a senior
citizen of the English Sector, Stephen Maleku, unilaterally proclaimed a
separate independence for the English Sector. (He wanted the territory to
achieve independence, then become a confederation of two states. As Stephen put
Britain and France before a fait accompli, while Britain was still reflecting
on the issue, France hurriedly sent 400 gendarmes from La Nouvelle – Caledonie,
a nearby French colony, to occupy Port - Vila, the capital of New Hebrides and
forcefully stopped Stephen's move. Britain bitterly complained to France,
saying that by opting unilaterally for a military solution for the
condominium's problem, France had instead complicated the situation as Moleku's
move for separate independence was based on the brutality of the French
administration.
La Republique du
Cameroun cannot even pass through a legal status of a condominium to annex the
Southern Cameroons since such locus standi does not exist. La Republique du
Cameroun has been arguing verbally and very emotionally on a non - existing
condominium. The 1961 plebiscite and the fake bilingualism crudely imposed on
both La Republique du Cameroun and the Southern Cameroons do not make
the two countries
a condominium because condominium is a matter of international law.
And not that of
Anglo-Saxon + Greco - Latin linguistics. La Republique du Cameroun has been
brandishing its de facto bilingual condominium at home but at the same time
brandishing itself as a monolingual francophone unitary state at the
international level. On one hand La Republique du Cameroun is imposing a de
facto Anglo – French condominium on two neighbouring former UN Trust
Territories with separate Trusteeship Agreements, and on the other hand
imposing a unitary state on an illegal defunct two-state federation. This is
blatant dubious contradiction!
SECTION 11
The Administration of La Republique du Cameroun in the
Southern Cameroons since 1st October 1961
According to La
Republique du Cameroun, the constitutional amendment made on 6 August 1961 on
la constitution de la Republique du Cameroun du premier janvier 1960, was meant
to accommodate the Southern Cameroons as the western part of German Kamerun. We
now know all about the German colony of Kamerun from the preceding legal
analyses. The Constitutional Amendment of Yves Bie'ville, the French jurist who
drafted the constitution of 4 March 1960, was a mockery of international law,
the international community, and the United Nations. The amended constitution
could in no way become a Treaty of Union in international law as prescribed by
UNGAR 1608 (XV) of 21 April 1961.
On the grounds of the
amended constitution, la Republique du Cameroun moved its troops and
administration
into the Southern Cameroons on 1st October 1961 and has since been ruling the
Southern Cameroons in the same brutal manner in which France ruled its portion
of the divided German Kamerun. The administration of la Republique du Cameroun
in the Southern Cameroons is null and void ab initio: it is illegitimate and
illegal. It is a civil – cum military administration. The cardinal legal
principle, tantum appelatum, quantum revelatum, meaning that the judge of the
Appeal Court cannot have the right in a civil matter to grant more than it was
requested by the Magistrate Court.
The principle does
not apply between the Southern Cameroons and la Republique du Cameroun because
la Republique du Cameroun has no right to belittle the Southern Cameroons as
its province, as if la Republique du Cameroun is the alter ego of the Southern
Cameroons. This is because the international status of the Southern Cameroons
under the League of Nations, then under the U.N.O., cannot be changed.
La Republique du
Cameroun has no right to judge positively or negatively the results of the 1961
plebiscite and use that to annex the Southern Cameroons because nemo crime sine
legi – there is no crime (offence) without a text of law which defines and
punishes the incriminating act. So by voting, and voting YES in the plebiscite,
the Southern Cameroons did not commit an offence punishable by La Republique du
Cameroun by annexation as penal punishment.
La Republique du
Cameroun has been benefiting enormously from the annexation of the Southern
Cameroons in violation of the Latin legal principle nemo nudutur propriam
turpitudi – nobody should benefit in any way whatsoever from a crime he has
committed. La Republique du Cameroun has been arguing that the Southern
Cameroons has no utis possedetis juris on 1st October 1961; that the Southern
Cameroons was an empty piece of land that La Republique du Cameroun annexed to
civilise and develop.
The argument has no
legal basis because the Southern Cameroons had utis possedetis juris -
international legal status publicly recognised. As a UN Trust Territory the
Southern Cameroons had utis possedetis juris by the Mandate of the League of
Nations, and by the UN Trusteeship Agreement.
In addition, the
Southern Cameroons was jointly administered with the Eastern Region of Nigeria
within the international legal framework of UNGA Resolution 224 – 111 on the
Administrative Union between adjacent territories under the same Administering
Authority. There is no modification of international boundaries between States
by domestic or internal law. The constitution of a state being a fundamental
internal law, la Republique du Cameroun cannot legally justify how it modified
its international boundaries, as we have demonstrated earlier, with the
Southern Cameroons for its own benefits.
The peoples of the
Southern Cameroons, in their daily life, accept all acts of constitutional law,
civil law, criminal law, and administrative law imposed on them by La
Republique du Cameroun as Actes of bienseance, that means, Acts which one does
not like, but toterates them in order to survive.
SECTION 12
The International Legal Status of the Southern Cameroons
since 1st October 1961 to date
La Republique du
Cameroun started to govern the Southern Cameroons from 1st October 1961 when
the Treaty of Union had not yet been worked out as prescribed by UNGA
Resolution 1608 –(XV) of 21 April 1961. The international legal situation in
the Southern Cameroons on 1st October 1961 was that, without a Treaty of Union,
the Southern Cameroons smoothly moved backwards from the status of a UN Trust
Territory it had from 12 December 1946 till 1st October 1961, to the status of
a UN Territory the Southern Cameroons had on 11 December 1946. In between the
adoption of the UN Resolution 63 – 111 that created the UN Trusteeship Council,
and subsequently appointed Britain as the Administering Authority for the
Southern Cameroons, and the signing of the Trusteeship Agreement No Document A
/ 152 / REV2 for the Southern Cameroons between the UN and Britain on that same
date 13 December 1946.
The formation of the
UN Trusteeship Council having abrogated the Mandates System of the League of
Nations of 1922 (and) the Trusteeship Agreement for the Southern Cameroons
therefore replaced the Mandate Britain had on the Southern Cameroons from 1922
till 13 December 1946. The situation, simplified, is that on 1st October 1961,
the Southern Cameroons had not been granted any independence, neither according
to Article 47 paragraph B of the Charter of the United Nations, nor according
to UNGA Resolution 1608 –(XV) in the 994th plenary session on 21 April 1961
which granted independence by joining whose international legal Treaty for the
projected Union had not been worked out on the date fixed for independence (1st
October 1961).
So, through a
cool-minded legal analysis, one can understand that since 1st October 1961, La
Republique du Cameroun has been forcefully occupying and governing a UN
Territory. The difference between a UN Trust Territory and a UN Territory is
that a UN Trust Territory is governed by an independent and sovereign State
according to a contract or mandate signed between the country and the UN;
whereas a UN Territory is directly governed by the UN through its permanent
representative it appoints to the Territory. The UN representative should in no
way be a native of that territory: He / she is called, the UN Administrator,
governor. As the Administering Authority, the UN Administrator governs the
territory in preparation for independence.
SECTION 13
The Way to Independence for the Southern Cameroons
1) The way to
Independence for the Southern Cameroons is in the hands of the UN. The UN
should follow the same path it took to grant independence to other UN
territories. It must be noted that the Southern Cameroons is a particular UN
Territory as it had been annexed by La Republique du Cameroun and France
through an orthodox independence-by-joining that the UN granted the Southern
Cameroons in 1961.
The Southern
Cameroons today is in the same situation as the three Baltic States (Estonia –
Lestonia – Lithuania). Let it be recalled that the latter three states were
granted independence by the League of Nations, and the independence was later
suppressed by the Soviet Union which then annexed them on the grounds that as
small neighbouring states, it was their weakness that allowed the German troops
to crush them very easily and then crossed their international boundary with
the Soviet Union into St. Petersburg. But with Glassnok and perestroika brought
by Mikail Gorbatchov, the latter states regained their lost independence
through the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation (UNPO) and the UN.
2) Another way out
for the Southern Cameroons is that the UN may simply implement the UNGA
Resolution 1514 – (XIV) of 14 December 1960 on the Granting of Independence to
Colonial Territories and Peoples.
Southern Cameroon
Free State
Southern Cameroon Stamps
FFSA
Federation of the Free States of Africa
MENU - INDEX
Contact
Secretary General
Mangovo Ngoyo
Email: africa.federation@gmail.com
www.africafederation.net
http://www.southerncameroons.org/
The area of the Southern Cameroons in Africa has a rich and
fruitful history. The actual area that it is in is in the western portion of
the African continent. The actual area dates back to the 16th century. The
actual feeling of the area as its own entity did not come about until the early
20th century.
As far as the geographical location is concerned, this area
lies east and south of Nigeria and west of the Federal Republic Republic of
Cameroon. The Mungo River also lies within the eastern boundaries of the area.
The other nearby body of water is the Atlantic Ocean which lies to the
country's south. Because of the general location of the Southern Cameroons they
have been under the watchful eye of the Nigerian nation.
Since there is such diversity in the region, the idea of
religion is also just as diverse. The religion ranges from the traditional
ritualistic religion to the Christian and Islamic faiths. The ritualistic
traditions are very spiritual. They actually believe that there may be a higher
being watching them throughout their daily lives. There are also certain
festivities and events that are backed but the traditional religion.
Sports throughout the area have also come along way. While
the solo sports have not developed much in the area, the group sporting events
have come a very long way. Soccer as a team sport has evolved a great deal.
There are now competitions among the states in the Southern Cameroons. One
other worldwide known sporting events of the area is the Buea Mountain race in
which people come from all over the world to run.
The education in the area is geared toward the future of the
students in various aspects. The main focus is training for the future areas in
which the student will work in. There are apprenticeships that are set forth in
order to provide the proper training. The amount of time spent in the
apprenticeships depends solely on the activity in which they are being trained
in. Very few make it to the university level of education. When they do make it
they are highly regarded.
The culture of the Southern Cameroons is rich in tradition.
Although there have been various European influences that have come up in its
history a majority of the people have tried to stay as true to their traditions
as possible. The ritualistic traditions as well as the religions have changed
over time but have found a way to come back into the everyday life. People of
Southern Cameroons keep rituals and tradition as the one thing that remains
unchanged in a truly developing world.
Southern Cameroons: ID Cards And Currency To Be Introduced
The Southern Cameroons National Council has announced plans
to introduce identity cards, currency and treasury bills in the region and to
sign a petition against the 'illegal occupation and colonisation' of their
territory by Cameroon.
Below is an article published in Punch Nigeria:
The Southern Cameroons National Council has announced plans
to introduce identity cards, currency and treasury bills for Bakassi and other
areas in the two formerly British-administered regions of Northwest and
Southwest regions.
SCNC coordinator for the Centre Region, Maxwell Oben, told
Africa Review magazine that more than 10,000 people across the English-speaking
Northwest and Southwest Regions commonly known as Southern Cameroons now
possess the ID cards.
He said the movement was also seeking 50,000 signatures to
back a petition it plans to lodge at the United Nations against the "illegal
occupation and colonisation" of the formerly British-administered Southern
Cameroons by the French-speaking Cameroon.
More than 6.000 signatories have already backed the appeal
and more are still doing so, Oben says.
The SCNC is also said to be planning to introduce a
currency– Ramson or Rams – for the territory. Treasury bonds that will be
exchanged for the currency "once sovereignty is attained" are already in
circulation, the activist says.
There are also plans to set up broadcast media to whip up
popular support, according to the activist.
The Efik in Cross river State (Sout South Nigeria) are one
of the groups that inhabit Bakassi, an oil rich peninsula Nigeria and Cameroon
contested for over 20 years but was finally ceded to Cameroon in a 2002
International Court of Justice ruling.
The group had been resettled inland in Cross River State
after the ruling but complained that they could not get an alternative
livelihood to fishing.
Their resolve followed Nigeria's decision to shelve calls to
review the ICJ ruling before an October 10, 2012 deadline.
http://www.ngrguardiannews.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=113196:southern-cameroons-seeks-implementation-of-verdict-on-self-determination&catid=1:national&Itemid=559
THE citizens of Southern Cameroons, through their counsel,
Okoi Obono-Obla, have written to Nigeria's Attorney General of the Federation
and Minister of Justice, Mohammed Bello Adoke (SAN), urging the Federal
Government to immediately comply with the Consent Judgment in Suit No.
FHC/ABJ/CS/30/2002 of March 25, 2002, delivered by the former Chief Judge of
the Federal High Court, Justice Roseline Ukeje, which was in their favour.
The peoples of Southern Cameroons, represented by Dr. Kevin
Ngwang Gumni, Augustine Feh Ndangam, Chief Ette Otun Ayamba, Prof. Victor
Mlkwele Ngoi, Dr. Martin Ngeka, Nfot Ngala Nfor, Hitler Mbinglo, Dogbima Henry,
K Mundam, Simon Ninpa, Shey Tafon, Paul Yiwir and Isaac Sona, had sued the
Federal Government of Nigeria at the Federal High Court, Abuja.
In the suit, the plaintiffs, through their originating
summons, urged the court to determine whether the Union envisaged under the
Southern Cameroon Plebiscite 1961 between La Republique du Cameroun and
Southern Cameroons legally took effect as contemplated by the relevant United
Nations Resolutions, particularly the United Nations General Assembly
Resolution 1352 (XIV) of October 16, 1959, and United Nations Trusteeship
Council Resolution 2013 (XXIV) of May 31, 1960.
They also want the court to determine whether the
termination by the Government of the United Kingdom of its trusteeship over the
Southern Cameroon on September 30, 1961, without ensuring prior implementation
of the constitutional arrangements under which the Southern Cameroons and La
Republique du Cameroun were to unite as one federal state, was not in breach of
Articles 3 and 6 of the Trusteeship Agreement for the Territory of the
Cameroons under British administration as approved by the United Nations
General Assembly on December 13, 1946, the United Nations General Assembly
Resolutions 1352 of October 16, 1959, 1608 of April 2, 1961, the United Nations
Trusteeship Council Resolution 2013 (XIV) of May 31, 1960, and Article 76 (b)
of the Charter of the United Nations.
The Southern Cameroons also wants the court to determine
whether the assumption of sovereign powers on October 1, 1961, and the
continued exercise of same by the government of La Republique du Cameroun over
Southern Cameroon after the termination by the government of the United Kingdom
of its trusteeship over the territory was legal and valid when the union
between Southern Cameroons and La Republique du Cameroun contemplated by the
Southern Cameroon Plebiscite 1961 had not legally taken effect.
Other issues the plaintiffs want the court to resolve in the
suit include: Whether the peoples of Southern Cameroons are not entitled to
self-determination within their clearly defined territory separate from La
Republique du Cameroun, and whether it is the Southern Cameroons and not La
Republique du Cameroun that shares a maritime boundary with the Federal
Republic of Nigeria?
But the Federal Government of Nigeria then sued for an
out-of-court settlement, which led to the delivery of the consent judgment
dated March 25, 2002, based on the agreement reached by the parties.
The consent judgment directed the Federal Republic of
Nigeria to take any measure, as may be necessary, to place the case of the
peoples of the geographical entity known as at October 1, 1960, as Southern
Cameroons, for self determination before the United Nations General Assembly
and any other relevant international organisation.
However, after waiting in vain for the implementation of the
verdict, the Southern Cameroons, in the letter dated January 27, 2013, and
served on the Attorney General on February 8, 2013, urged the Federal
Government of Nigeria, in the spirit of respect and adherence to the Rule of
Law and Constitutionalism - especially the authority and integrity of the
judicial branch of government - to take immediate steps to ensure compliance by
the Federal Government of Nigeria with the terms/directives contained in the
said consent judgment/order.
http://www.unpo.org/members/7915
http://www.unpo.org/
Cameroons
STATISTICS
Status: Occupied & unrecognized territory
Population: +/- 6 million
Areas: 43.000 km2
Language: English
Religion: Christian
UNPO REPRESENTATION: Southern Cameroons National Council
Southern Cameroons membership on UNPO is represented by
Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC).
OVERVIEW
GEOGRAPHY
Southern Cameroons is the territory bounded to the west and
north west by Nigeria, east by La Republique du Cameroun and south by the
Atlantic Ocean.
POPULATION
The population of Southern Cameroons is above five million
inhabitants.
ECONOMY
All without exception depended on nature and the land to
earn a living. In the coastal region farming, fishing and hunting denominated
the life of the inhabitants. Blessed with abundant fertile soil, farm work is
not as irksome and intensive to have a heavy yield. From the forest they had
abundant wood to build their simple houses which were roofed with palm fronts.
In the grassland region with poor fertility the people had to work a large
expanse of land to have a reasonable harvest. They also have a large variety of
food crops grown at different times of the year. Primary occupation is farming
and hunting but little fishing for want of large rivers or lakes. This culture
of handwork has been so rewarding to the men and women of the Grassland region
who happen to migrate to the Coastal or Forest region to work in the
plantations. They easily acquired land for food crops production. This has not
only introduced the food dishes of the Grassland or Graffie, but also made some
of the wealthy land owners to the envy of some indigenes.
POLITICAL SITUATION
In the coastal
region, the ethnic groups did not establish a strong central authority as is
the case in the grassland region. Family elders constituted Council of Elders
that met periodically to resolve matters affecting the inhabitants. In the
Grassland region social and political setting is far more organised. The Fons
and Ta Nfors are the centre of authority. In pre-colonial time they wielded
great authority over their subjects. As an annexed, colonised and occupied
territory, the Southern Cameroons has no political system that is a true
reflection of the legitimate aspirations of the people. The annexationist
Yaounde regime has imposed its rigid centralised system, which is
characteristically insensitive to the feelings of Southern Cameroonians.
To make Southern Cameroons a real colony and an appendage of
Yaounde, in 1972, the Southern Cameroons government was abrogated and the
territory was divided into two provinces of La Republique du Cameroun. The two
provinces are governed by two governors appointed by Presidential Decrees and
as representatives of the President, each is accountable and responsible to the
President himself. The two governors, Koumpa Issa, for the North West, and
Ejake Mbonda, for the South West, are all francophone Camerounese. Although
Southern Cameroonians fought hard, lost lives, limbs and enormous property to
bring about multiparty democracy under which they were nurtured by the British,
with the backing of France, the currently existing two hundred political
parties are not worth more than the paper on which they are registered. Most of
these mushroom political parties are sponsored by the ruling Rassemblement
Democratique du Peuples Camerounaise (RDPC). Southern Cameroonians are fit only
for sinecure posts and this explains why Ni John Fru Ndi, a Cameroonian of the
Social Democratic Font (SDF) who won the October 1992 Presidential Elections,
was denied the right to take over as President of the two Cameroons.
Determined to keep Southern Cameroons a colony of La
Republique du Cameroun, genuine democracy has been blocked by sophisticated
rigging mechanism styled "democratie avancée" to leave the people who fervently
believe in democracy, the rule of law and human freedom under an unwanted
government. Prior to annexation, Southern Cameroons as a trust territory under
United Kingdom administration, inherited the Westminster Parliamentary system.
Southern Cameroons became a self-governing trust territory in 1954 under a
democratically elected government led by Dr EML Endeley. With a genuine
democratic and constitutional evolution, in 1957, Southern Cameroons was
granted a House of Chiefs, thus like Britain, Southern Cameroons operated a
bicameral legislative system.
In 1959 through free and fair general elections, Premier
Endeley led CPNC government was defeated and he peacefully handed over to the
winner, J.N. Foncha of the KNDP. This was followed by the adoption of a new
constitution, Constitution (Order) in Council 1960, which was meant to lead
Southern Cameroons to independence. But through international colonial
conspiracy, instead of granting complete independence in conformity with Art.
76(b) of UN Charter and UN Resolution 1514 of 1960, the colonial powers misled
the UN to impose "independence by joining" either Nigeria or La Republique du
Cameroun. In addition to imposing this, the UN was led to adopt two obnoxious
questions that denied Southern Cameroons their inalienable right to
self-determination and sovereign independence.
UNPO MEMBER PERSPECTIVE
The mission of the Southern Cameroons National Council
(SCNC) is to right the wrongs of yesterday, restore Southern Cameroonians to
the dignity, their natural rights as the legitimate owners and masters of the
Southern Cameroons territory, masters of their destiny by peacefully leading
Southern Cameroons to take her deserved seat within the community of sovereign
nations. Southern Cameroons is currently a colony of La Republique du Cameroun
and in consideration of the fact that the modern world has banned colonialism,
Southern Cameroonians are legitimately entitled to international support to
oust the coloniser, namely, La Republique du Cameroun. It was in recognition
and defense of the enjoyment of this inalienable right of all peoples that
classical colonialism, foreign domination and the abolition of apartheid took
place. Southern Cameroons, the only UN Trust territory abandoned to its fate,
has been annexed, colonised and occupied by La Republique du Cameroun. It is a
victim of classical colonialism and foreign domination and should be
decolonised under international law and should receive international support.
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
EARLY HISTORY
The territory of Southern Cameroon has been subjected to
different colonial experiences - she experienced German domination, British
domination, and domination of La Republique du Cameroun. Southern Cameroons as
part of German Kamerun
Between 1885 and 1916, Southern Cameroons was part of German
Cameroon (Kamerun). German Kamerun ceased to exist with the end of World War I
and the Peace Treaty of Versailles that gave birth to the League of Nations.
British Southern Cameroons
As a result of the First World War, which pitched the
Germans against the British and French in Cameroon, the Germans were defeated
and ousted from the territory. As a result of the German defeat, the British
and French attempted a joint administration of the territory, which failed.
Consequently, the territory was partitioned by both powers. Hence, the British
took one-fifth and the French took four-fifth of the territory.
From the nature of the partition, the seed of the Southern
Cameroons problem began, namely, the minority problem. In order to conveniently
administer their own portion of Cameroon as a mandate territory of the League
of Nations, the British administered it as an integral part of Nigeria. To
better do this, they further split the territory into Northern Cameroons and
Southern Cameroons. Since the British did not consider the territory as viable,
they did very little as concerns social and economic development of the
territory. This caused the Southern Cameroons to be against the British mandate
in the territory.
The British first administered Southern Cameroons as part of
the Southern Province of Nigeria, whose headquarters was in Lagos and later;
under the Eastern Region of Nigeria, when Nigeria was divided into three
regions, namely, Northern, Western and Eastern. Therefore, Southern Cameroons
was administered from Enugu, which was the headquarters of the Eastern Region.
Under the Eastern Region, she suffered what was known as the Ibo domination.
The Ibo established their hegemony over Southern Cameroons and caused them to
be further frustrated by foreign domination. However, it was during this period
that the first parliamentary elections were organised in the territory to
choose representatives to the Eastern Regional House of Assembly and Federal
House in Lagos.
RECENT HISTORY
Following discrimination they faced as a minority group in
the assembly, they walked out in protest and declared Benevolent Neutrality in
Nigerian politics. This led to the holding of the first Southern Cameroons
Conference in Mamfe in 1953. This Conference adopted a petition addressed to
the United Kingdom Government that demanded for a separate regional
status in conformity
with Southern Cameroons' status as a UN Trust territory. It was from here that
Southern Cameroons nationalism began. This political action yielded the desired
results.
When in 1954 Southern Cameroons achieved self-governing
status, with Dr EML Endeley as first Premier, its nationalism took a
multi-facet nature. Some of its leaders thought that this was a progress that
was to lead them to regional autonomy and therefore opted for integration into
Nigeria. Some as a result of the experience they received as a colony under
another colony, namely, Nigeria, opted for independence. Some as a result of
nostalgia and influence from French Cameroun opted for unification with French
Cameroun. Unable to come to a consensus, the UN, which became the supervisory
authority of the former mandate territories, including British Cameroons
imposed two options on them. The options were: whether they would like to
achieve independence by reunifying with French Cameroon which as a result of
their independence on January 1st, 1960 became La Republique du Cameroun or
integrating with Nigeria which was already given independence too. Prior to the
plebiscite, in 1959, Southern Cameroons organised democratic elections for a
third time and effected the first peaceful and democratic transfer of power in
the 20th Century Africa.
In this election, the incumbent Premier Dr E.M.L. Endeley
and his ruling party, the CPNC were defeated and he became leader of the
Opposition in the House of Assembly. Following the UN organised plebiscite of
February 11, 1961, which was organised on the same day separately for Southern
Cameroons and Northern Cameroons, Northern Cameroons voted for integration into
Nigeria and was thus integrated, while Southern Cameroons voted for unification
with French Cameroon and was thus reunified. This began the story of
unification of the two Cameroons united in a UN-sponsored federation of two
states of equal status known as the Federal Republic of Cameroon in October
1961.
Annexation of Southern Cameroons by La Republique du
Cameroun
The Foumban Constitutional Conference of 1961, which
federated Southern Cameroons with La Republique du Cameroun was not in line
with what the UN had envisaged. According to the UN such a conference was to
involve the governments of Southern Cameroons, La Republique du Cameroun, United
Kingdom as the Administering Authority, and the UN as the Supervisory
Authority. Unfortunately, it was held without some of these parties like the UN
and Britain. Again, there was no accord signed by the two parties that
discussed in Foumban. However, the Federal Republique of Cameroon that emerged
from the Foumban Talks, was made up of two federated states, namely, the State
of West Cameroon, made up of Southern Cameroons, and the State of East
Cameroon, made up of La Republique du Cameroun. Thus, the Southern Cameroons
and La Republique du Cameroun, respectively became sub nations of the
federation, with each retaining its inherited territory, colonial political and
administrative system, legal, educational, economic and cultural systems.
From 1962 to 1972, the former President of La Republique du
Cameroun, Ahmadou Ahidjo, who became the President of the Federal Republic,
took steps to annex Southern Cameroons into La Republique du Cameroun. On May
20th, 1972, he finally organised a referendum, which violated the Talks at
Foumban. He abolished the Federal Constitution and imposed Unitary
Constitution. Hence the name of the country became United Republic of Cameroon.
Southern Cameroons lost its autonomous status it enjoyed under the federal
system and became two of the seven provinces of the unitary state. When Paul
Biya became President of Cameroon, he completed the annexation by reverting the
name of the country to Republique du Cameroun, the name by which French
Cameroon gained its independence. This led to the emergence of Southern
Cameroons' liberation movements like the Ambazonia of Fon Gorgi Dinka and
Cameroon Anglophone Movement (CAM) the climax of this was in 1993, when
Southern Cameroons liberation movements and Southern Cameroonians as a whole met
in Buea under the banner of the All Anglophone Conference (AAC I). Its aim was
to establish a Southern Cameroons stand and to press for the autonomy of
Southern Cameroons in a restored federal system. This firm stand is contained
in the Buea Declaration. Another meeting was held in Bamenda (AAC II) which
issued the Bamenda Proclamation. These declarations led to the formation of the
Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC), which is a political organisation
fighting for the statehood and sovereign independence of Southern Cameroons.
Despite the obstacles placed on the road to statehood of
Southern Cameroons, like arrest, torture, killings, forcing its nationals into
exile, blackmail, misinformation, counter-acting their action and you can name
more, it has been succeeding. For instance, it has won the admissibility stage
of the case deposited against La Republique du Cameroun in the African
Commission on Human and Peoples Rights in Banjul; won a case against Nigeria,
which obliged Nigeria to table and support its bid for independence to the
international community and recently, it has been admitted as a new member of
the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation (UNPO) in The Hague.
CULTURE AND LANGUAGE
CULTURE
Prior to the advent of Europeans and colonialism, the
territory that today constitutes Southern Cameroons was not one geo-political
entity that could equally be designated as a cultural entity. It was inhabited
by different ethnic groups with different cultures, traditions and languages. As
they differed in origin and culturally, so did they differ in outlook,
aspirations and world view. Nothing held them together as one people. The
different ethnic groups with different indigenous political systems and
religions also differed from one another in their occupational activities and
socio-economic development. Thus there was a vast difference between the
peoples of the coastal region and those of the grassland, which difference is
not only visible in art, dance and economic life but also in social
organisation and social relationships. This means that one can rightly refer to
Southern Cameroons as a multi-cultural and multi-lingual political entity
carved by the ambitious colonial masters without any recourse to the
inhabitants. In the carving of their colonial empires these empire builders
mindful of their economic interests fractionalised some ethnic groups and even
families. This greatly contributed to the weakening of cultural ties and the
capacity to resist invasion by the empire builders. To build up one large
political entity, the colonial masters had to impose its political centralising
authority from above, undermining the cultural diversity below. For an
understanding of the rich cultural diversity the following ethnic groups can be
identified (from coast to the north).
RELIGION
The Southern Cameroonians are highly religious and have a
strong Christian belief. Regarding God to be unreachable directly, they worship
him through the super natural. They believe in the omnipresence, omnipotence
and omniscience of God so he cannot be confined to cathedrals and churches.
Ancestors are not worshiped for they do not create. But since the people
fervently believe in life after death, it is believed the dead, living in the
spiritual realm are closer to the creator so he is called upon to intercede on
behalf of the living. Here ancestors serve as mediators between God and the
living. Unfortunately the European missionaries, wishing not to learn and
understand, regarded this as ancestral worship. Individual importance was
measured not so much in what he has for himself but in contribution to the
community. Men of valour were recognised as heroes and their history conserved
in music, proverbs and as passed from generation to generation by word of
mouth.
COUNTRY ETHNIC GROUPS
Fako Bakweri, Mboko, Meme Bafaw, Bakundo, Balundu, Balong,
Kupe Manenguba Bakossi, Mbo, Bassosi, Ndian Ngolo, Batanga, Ekondokondo,
Lebialem Banwa, Nweh-Mundam, Wabane, Manyu Banyang, Kenyam, Ejagham, Boki,
Ayang, Momo Widikum broken into the Metta, Menemo, Ngie, Ngwo, Menkas, Mezam
Ngemba, Chamba, Menchum Aghem, Jebah,Mnen, Boyo Kom, Bum, Ngoketunjia Tikar
(fractionalised into small different language groups), Bui Nso, Oku, Noni,
Donga – Mantung Wimbum, Mfumte, Yamba, Mbembe of Jukunoid.
In summary the Grassland Region is peopled by the Tikar,
Widekum Ngemba, Hausa and Fulani. While the rest are geographically located,
the Hausa and Fulani, who are Moslems by religion, were the late comers into
this region and are thus scattered all over. Like all human societies,
irrespective of sophistication and technological development the different
ethnic groups had their manner of organisation, settling disputes and managing
their affairs. All of these were greatly influenced by their backgrounds and
environments
http://www.scylforfreedom.org/
"Either we concentrate our energy for a serious and decisive
armed struggle to achieve our objective, or we will each fall one by one to the
blows of France's led brutal imperialism in its new and sinister form of
slavery call neo-colonialism against the African, specifically the Blackman.
They are at war with us – an open, cowardly and desperate offensive against
those who cherish and want freedom. Let us go to war against these men and
women who have impoverished our continent, bought and sold our people into
slavery, used and dumped our youths, and now still continue to hold us in
bondage as if our pains and anguish they have caused are not enough. Let us go
to war, not a war of conquest or domination, but one of revolutionary
liberation, a war between the forces of tyranny and those of freedom. In this
regard, we would be fighting, not only in self defense and the protection of
our humanity, but to free ourselves and the countless generation of children
yet unborn from the scourge of the freedom of tyranny. Make no mistake for no
one would do it for us!".
The SCYL Liberation OATH: "The Southern Cameroons Must
Win this " War!" - Therefore: I will Work, I will Serve, I will Save,
I will Sacrifice, I will Endure, I will Fight Cheerfully, And do my utmost,
Even Unto Dealth, As if the issue of the whole Struggle depended on Me Alone.
So, HELP ME GOD!"
http://www.facebook.com/pages/SCNC-The-Southern-Cameroon-National-Council/145655312168312
SCNC - The Southern Cameroon National Council
February 8
UN Resolution 1608 and the Struggle for the Restoration of
British Southern Cameroons Statehood
Tuesday, 08 January
2013 17:03
Yaoundé and its
agents to dismiss the legitimacy and legality of the SCNC struggle to restore
the statehood of British Southern Cameroons and to forever keep the latter as
its footstool, have done everything possible to distort the history of a former
UN Trust territory with clearly defined and demarcated international
boundaries. With impunity some even question dismissively if British Southern
Cameroons ever stood on its own feet as if their la Republique du Cameroun has
ever. This is in the true nature of an imperial state. But truth is infinite.
And those who fight in defense of truth are makers of progressive history and
promoters of a better humanity. They are ever winners.
For your clear
understanding we will briefly examine this topic under the following sub heads;
1) UN Resolution 1608
of April 21, 1961, its import and what it stood to guard against.
2) Implication of no
implementation of this UN Resolution.
3) The political and
constitutional status of British Southern Cameroons at the material time of
1961.
UN Resolution 1608 XV
of April 21, 1961 was adopted by the UN General Assembly as a follow up of the
successful conduct of the UN sponsored plebiscite in British Southern
Cameroons. It was in recognition and defense of the distinctive identity of
this UN Trust territory under international law. As a follow up of the UN
plebiscite it was part and parcel of the UN conducted plebiscite. It was a
legal instrument by the World Body meant to complete the exercise or experiment
of bringing two distinct UN trust territories into a federal of equal status.
This UNGA Resolution above everything else testifies to the irrefutable fact
that the plebiscite, its shortcoming of limiting the people only to two choices
notwithstanding, was inconclusive. It offered the British Southern Cameroonians
only an opportunity to indicate their choice between Nigeria, and la Republique
du Cameroun. The plebiscite vote was only a promise to be translated into a
concrete act through mutual agreements based on fair negotiations.
It is instructive to
note that for this Resolution to pass the test tube of democracy, 64 Nations
voted FOR, 23 AGAINST, and 10 Abstained. La Republique du Cameroun, supported
by France and French-speaking Africa, except Mali mindful of its hidden agenda
of annexing this UN Trust territory, voted against. By voting against, they
still exercised their democratic rights.
If la Republique du
Cameroun voted against this important UN Resolution, which "unification" or
"reunification" do they talk about today? Why did la Republique reject forming
a federal of two equal states with British Southern Cameroons? Was it not
because of their hidden agenda of annexation, colonial occupation and
assimilation which they have faithfully implemented?
Inherent in this UN
Resolution was the promotion of the democratic principle of dialogue, equality
of states, big and small, and the promotion of international cooperation to
build world peace based on justice.
This UN Resolution in
concrete terms stood out to guard against any manner of annexation,
assimilation, imperial domination of smaller states by the big and powerful
states. To ensure that it was through consensus agreement and in fulfillment of
the UN Charter, negotiations were not left in the hands of the concerned
parties, namely, British Southern Cameroons, and la Republique du Cameroun, the
Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland as the
Administering Authority of British Southern Cameroons was included. Without
doubt since at the time British Southern Cameroons was not a distinct UN Member
state, it was the UK as the Administering Authority that was to report the
outcome of negotiations to the UNGA. Indeed, it was the UK that had the
political and constitutional duty of submitting the Agreement, in other words,
the Treaty of to the UN General Secretariat in fulfillment of Art. 102 of the
UN Charter.
For reasons unknown
to the leaders and people of British Southern Cameroons this all important UN
Resolution was never implemented. The UK never gave a report to the UN on the
implementation of Resolution 1608. This implies that conditions for the
formation of the UN envisioned federal of two distinct UN Trust territories to
form the FEDERAL UNITED CAMEROON REPUBLIC of two equal states were not
fulfilled.
It is equally
important we understand that in conformity with the spirit and letter of this
UNGA Resolution, there could never have been a formed with the two distinct
trust territories, without it being a federation of two states "EQUAL IN
STATUS".
At the material time
British Southern Cameroons was a self-governing trust territory founded on
Westminster parliamentary democracy. In October 1960 it adopted its own
constitution to usher it to independence. It had been declared ripe for
independence by the UK Representative to the UN and by Commissioner J.O Field
in his speech in 1958 during the Centenary celebration of the founding of the
seaport town of Victoria.
To terminate the
Trusteeship Agreement, it was necessary that the independence of the Southern
Cameroons be voted by the UN. Speaking before the vote was taken in the 4th
Committee of the UNGA, Mr Traore (UN Permanent Representative of Mali) said,
"If the Committee voted against the date of 1 October 1961, the Assembly would
be placed in an extremely difficult position, as it would have before it a
proposal requesting independence for Southern Cameroons but not specifying any
date".
Opposed to this Mr. Okala
(Foreign Minister of la Republique du Cameroun) "strongly protested against a
vote", which he regarded as "unconstitutional". Failing to obtain wide support,
he then declared "The delegation of Cameroun would not participate in the vote
and would withdraw —" (United Nations General Assembly, XV Session, Official
Records, Wednesday, 19 April 1961, New York, p.381).
Okala's, indeed la
Republique du Cameroun's opposition to the granting of independence by the UN
before the formation of the federal by the two states, was a clear pointer to
the effect that la Republique du Cameroun had already adopted a hidden agenda
for the annexation of Southern Cameroons. Here la Republique du Cameroun back
paddled on the pledge Mr. Ahmadou Ahidjo made at the UN in 1959 declaring that
they were "not annexationists." La Republique du Cameroun wanted the UN to hand
over Southern Cameroons to it for outright annexation and colonisation. But we
know that the UN is not an agent for the annexation of small weak
states by powerful
states. The mission of the UN is to guarantee freedom for all peoples and
equality of all nations without which they can be no world democracy and peace.
The date 1 October
1961 as Independence Day of Southern Cameroons was put to vote. It was
overwhelmingly
approved by 50 "YES", 2 "NO" and 12 Abstentions by the powerful 4th Committee
of the UN GA. 1st October 1961 was voted as Southern Cameroons INDEPENDENCE
DAY. A Trust territory accedes to independence upon termination of trusteeship.
To my mind it is only the UN that can testify as to whether trusteeship in
British Southern Cameroons was terminated on 1st October 1961 or it was not.
As UNGA Resolution
1608 of April 21, 1961 was not implemented, it is conclusive that there was no
federal
Constitution debated
by the two distinct parliaments and signed into law by their respective elected
leaders and no
Act of signed to form
the Federal United Cameroon Republic by J.N. Foncha for the British Southern
Cameroons, and by
Ahmadou Ahidjo for la Republique du Cameroun. Some of our fathers for example,
J. N.
Foncha, S. T. Muna,
E. T.Egbe, among others, have stated clearly that no legal instrument exists
binding Southern
Cameroons and la
Republique du Cameroun together. The idea of Southern Cameroons signing a blank
cheque
(which some lackeys
defend cannot be revoked) does not therefore arise.
The current struggle
is to restore the one and indivisible British Southern Cameroons that has been
annexed and colonially occupied by the one and indivisible la Republique du
Cameroun, that is, le Camerounaise française which attained independence from
France on January 1st 1960. The will of the people is supreme.
by NFOR, NGALA NFOR
10 June 2010 Secretary-General
SG/SM/12951/Rev.1*
AFR/1993/Rev.1*
Department of Public Information • News and Media Division •
New York
Secretary-General, Addressing Cameroon National Assembly,
Calls for Political
Will Needed to Help Africa Meet Millennium Development Goals
Following are UN Secretary-General Ban-Ki moon's remarks to
the National Assembly of Cameroon, in Yaoundé today, 10 June:
Thank you for your warm welcome and for the productive
meetings we have had on a wide range of topics.
Wherever I go in the world, I also try to visit lawmakers. I seek out
the parliaments of the world. Parliaments make the laws. They
express the diversity of any nation.
Before I begin my speech, allow me, Mr. President of the
National Assembly, to tell you how saddened I am by the disappearance this very
day of His Excellency Ferdinand Leopold Oyono, former minister, renowned
author, and former Permanent Representative of Cameroon to the United Nations
in New York. I convey to his family, and
to the Government and people of Cameroon, my most sincere condolences.
That diversity is especially evident here in Cameroon — "
Africa in miniature" — thanks to your rich ethnic, linguistic, geographical and
religious diversity. It is through
parliaments that the people's voices are heard.
And those voices, together, become the voice of any robust democracy.
It is a privilege to be here at this moment. This year, you celebrate
50 years of
independence. Fifty years of Africa's
growing presence on the international stage.
We have seen it in the field of politics, peace and security. And,
this month, we will see it on another
field of play. The World Cup will
showcase Africa.
Bafana Bafana, the host country team of South Africa. Les Fennecs
from Algeria. Côte d'Ivoire's Elephants and the Black Stars
of Ghana. Nigeria's Super Eagles. And, of course, the Indomitable Lions.
Allow me to congratulate four of the Lions for their good
services. Each of them is a Goodwill
Ambassador for the Millennium development Goals: the captain Samuel
Eto'o, Junior; Alexandre
Song; Rigobert Song; and Idriss Carlos Kameni.
They are ambassadors of whom Cameroon can be proud.
Tomorrow I fly to Johannesburg for the opening game. I do not claim
to be a sports expert. But I can let you in on a secret. I already
know the winner of the World
Cup. The real victor will be
Africa. I am so excited to be on the
continent. To experience the pride. To feel the energy. To tap into
the hope. To look forward together.
Today, I would like to focus on the opportunities and
obligations I see ahead; both the promises to Africa, and the promise of
Africa.
The United Nations relationship with Cameroon is as old as
the Organization itself. Cameroon joined
the United Nations 50 years ago, but our bonds stretch back to 1946 and the
United Nations Trusteeship Council.
Through the years, our partnership has grown. Today, Cameroon is a
generous contributor to
United Nations peace operations. More
than 130 of Cameroon's finest are serving as police officers from Burundi to
Côte d'Ivoire, from Sudan to Haiti.
Cameroon is host to 100,000 refugees, many from the Central
African Republic. And together with
Nigeria, Cameroon has provided the world with a model for the peaceful
resolution of disputes. Both countries
have committed to the 2002 ruling of the International Court of Justice, as
well as the 2006 Greentree Agreement, on the settlement of their border
dispute.
Your leadership has shown that, with the support of the
United Nations, peace and common understanding can prevail. Your
significant investment in the Bakassi
peninsula is testament to your determination.
The United Nations stands ready to offer its full support as you
consolidate peace and strengthen cooperation in the region.
Cameroon is also helping to show the world that the
Millennium Development Goals are within reach.
You have made significant progress in reducing extreme poverty. You
are working to make sure every child is
in primary school. Some may call
progress like this a miracle. But there
is nothing miraculous about it.
It is the result of one simple truth: That is, where we try, we
succeed. When we don't try, we fail. I saw the same today in
Mbalmayo. I met women being empowered to help
themselves and others; a community radio station that is helping to lift a
whole community; and a water project that is providing a sound foundation for
health.
What I saw today showed what can be achieved when partners
take comprehensive and coherent action; when partners stand together against
poverty, hunger and disease. I will take
these lessons to the G-20 summit in Canada in July and the Millennium
Development Goals Summit in September in New York.
The message is simple.
Africa can achieve the Millennium Development Goals. Africa has
boundless potential, amazing human
and material wealth, 1 billion people, more than half of whom are under the age
of 30. As I see it, delivering for the
people of Africa is a matter of commitment.
Africa's people need neither pity nor charity. They need only the
tools to create jobs and
generate incomes.
Developed countries should make good on promises to double
aid to Africa, promises made repeatedly at summit meetings of the G-8 and G-20
and at the United Nations. There must
also be more room for free trade.
Africa's products should not be priced out of markets by heavy import
taxes.
Africa's farmers should not have to run up against unfair
agricultural subsidies. Africa's
Governments must be empowered to scale up investments in agriculture, water,
education, health and infrastructure. At
September's Millennium Development Goals Summit, I will call on Governments to
develop a results-oriented action plan, with concrete steps and timelines.
As the Cameroonian proverb teaches us: "A chattering bird
builds no nest." We need less talk, more
action. That is why we will showcase
success stories, scale them up, create partnerships that will allow us to do
even more. Africa needs true
partnership, partnerships where donors listen to recipients and tailor their
assistance to Africa's needs.
Maternal health is the Millennium Development Goal where we
have lagged furthest behind. Yet if we
can succeed here, we will touch off a virtuous "ripple effect" through all the
Goals. We need to combine the efforts of
donors and recipients with private sector and civil society
initiatives. This week, I announced a plan in Washington,
D.C., that does just that.
Before I came here, I attended a big international
conference titled "Women Deliver".
There, with a United Nations initiative, we adopted a Joint Action Plan
to help women and girls from dying needlessly of diseases, from complications
of pregnancies, and from preventable diseases.
One woman dies every minute.
Two children die every minute.
That is just unacceptable. That
is social injustice, political and moral injustice. We must prevent
it. I have asked for $15 million by next year and
$45 million additional by 2015 to help the capacity-building to prevent this
maternal mortality and child mortality.
We know that climate change is a threat to development, a
threat to stability and a particular threat to Africa. Cameroon and
other members of the Lake Chad
Basin Commission have voiced valid and legitimate concerns over the dramatic
decrease in water levels of this vital source.
Africa needs help in reducing its vulnerability. Last year's
Copenhagen Climate Conference
marked a significant step forward in a number of areas: a goal of limiting
global temperature rise to within 2° C by 2050; mitigation actions by all
countries; progress on addressing deforestation and forest degradation; funding
for developing countries for adaptation and mitigation.
My High-Level Advisory Group on Climate Change Financing is
working to mobilize new and innovative public and private funding to reach our
annual $100 billion target by 2020. This
funding will support mitigation and adaptation strategies in developing
countries. It will help countries like
Cameroon to reach the Millennium Development Goals.
I have spoken about the developed world's responsibilities
in keeping the Millennium promise. But
Africa, too, has a promise to keep.
Sustainable development can only be built on the firm bedrock of peace
and good governance.
Over recent years, Africa has moved steadily from a
principle of "non-interference" in one another's affairs towards a new and more
modern principle of "non-indifference".
We must keep and build on this momentum.
The organization of peaceful, credible and transparent
elections is critical. We cannot allow
the will of the people to be thwarted by electoral fraud. We cannot
accept unconstitutional changes of
Government. We cannot permit endless
manipulations of the law to preserve the privileges of those in power.
We cannot turn a blind eye to corruption,
nepotism and tyranny.
Nor can we stay quiet when people are denied fundamental
rights. Without durable peace there will
be no sustained development. Without
sustained development, Africa will not attain the Millennium Development
Goals. And without achieving the
Millennium Development Goals, Africa will not find the promise and prosperity
that its people so richly deserve.
The United Nations is your partner — as mediator,
peacekeeper and peacebuilder. Only by
living together as good neighbours — as individuals, as communities and as
nations — can we fulfil the promise of the United Nations Charter. In
this pursuit, I assure you, the United
Nations will always be your ally.
For peace and security, for development and human rights,
the United Nations will be with you every step of the way.
Thank you for this honour.
And thank you for your commitment to the important work ahead.
* *** *
__________
* Reissued to
reflect remarks as delivered.
For information media • not an official record
Preventive Diplomacy at the United Nations
By Bertrand G. Ramcharan
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A view of the Security Council chamber during the first-ever
summit-level meeting on 31 January 1992. UN PHOTO/MILTON GRANT
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has given courageous
leadership on the issue of global climate change that would be put into the
category of preventive diplomacy.
The idea of preventive diplomacy has captivated the United
Nations ever since it was first articulated by Secretary-General Dag
Hammarskjöld nearly half a century ago. Preventive diplomacy was presaged by
Article 99 of the United Nations Charter, which allowed the Secretary-General
to bring to the Security Council's attention threats to international peace and
security. From the outset of the United Nations, Secretary-General Trygve Lie
used the competence under this Article to gather information about situations,
to establish contacts with those concerned, to send emissaries to look closely
at situations, and to do whatever he could to head off or contain crises of
international concern.
Secretary-General Dag
Hammarskjöld knew that the United Nations could do little where there was a
direct clash of interests between the superpowers during the Cold War. But he
had in mind that, if the opportunity presented itself, he might be able to head
off disputes between lesser powers and prevent them from the gravitational pull
of the superpowers contest. Hammarskjöld put down markers on the practice of
preventive diplomacy that are still very much in use today. He would decide if
his efforts might be useful. Judgment was always involved; there was no
automaticity about his involvement. He used representatives, whom he sent out
on special missions or outposted in particular situations. He had in mind the
deployment of a ring of representatives around the world.
Secretary-General U
Thant moved Hammarskjöld's vision forward. His role in preventing a nuclear
confrontation over the Cuban Missile Crisis must rank as the most spectacular
example of preventive diplomacy in the annals of the United Nations. The UN
archives contain dramatic materials on his efforts. I will revert to this
later.
Secretary-General
Kurt Waldheim continued the practice of preventive diplomacy. He had his
successes in the border disputes between Iran and Iraq in the 1960s. He
resorted to appeals in dangerous situations such as the 1973 Arab-Israeli War.
He acted speedily in dispatching UN peacekeepers to contain and control that
situation and was praised for his efforts.
Secretary-General
Javier Pérez de Cuéllar acted successfully when he sent a discreet fact-finding
mission to Bulgaria and Turkey in 1989 to help head off the deterioration of a
dispute between the two countries. He called for the maintenance of a
comprehensive global watch over threats to human security and welfare, and
established a unit within the Office of the Secretary-General dedicated to the
collection and analysis of information intended to help the Secretary-General
provide alerts to the Security Council over situations that could threaten or
breach international peace and security.
Secretary-General
Boutros Boutros-Ghali took over shortly after the end of the Cold War when
there were hopes of a new world order. In January 1992, the first-ever summit
meeting of the Security Council requested a report from him on the future role
of the United Nations in conflict prevention, peacemaking, and peacekeeping,
which led him to submit the widely-acclaimed An Agenda for Peace. Boutros-Ghali
practiced preventive diplomacy in cases such as the war between Eritrea and
Yemen, and he supported the establishment of the first ever preventive
deployment of UN peacekeepers in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.
Secretary-General
Kofi Annan furthered the work of his predecessors and submitted three reports
on the topic. He exercised preventive diplomacy successfully in the
border conflict
between Cameroon and Nigeria over the Bakassi Peninsula.
Current
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has taken forward the practice of preventive
diplomacy at the UN, and has given courageous leadership on the issue of global
¬climate change that would be put into the category of preventive diplomacy. He
has also submitted reports to the General Assembly on preventive diplomacy.
U THANT'S PREVENTIVE DIPLOMACY DURING THE CUBAN MISSILE
CRISIS
Historians
acknowledge that the Cuban Missile Crisis was the most dangerous period in
human history, when the world came closest to blowing itself up during thirteen
days, from 16 to 28 October 1962. On 22 October, President John F. Kennedy
announced that he had ordered a naval quarantine around Cuba to come into force
on 24 October. American and Soviet naval vessels came into close proximity with
a USSR submarine captain authorized, as is now known, to use nuclear weapons in
defence of Soviet ships or in self-defence. The efforts of UN Secretary-General
U Thant contributed greatly to defusing the crisis.
On 24 October 1962,
in his address to the Security Council, U Thant stressed that what was at stake
was the very fate of mankind. He called for urgent negotiations between the
parties directly involved and informed the Council that he had sent urgent
appeals to President Kennedy and Premier Nikita Khruschev for a moratorium of
two to three weeks. On the part of the USSR, it would entail the voluntary
suspension of all arms shipments to Cuba. On the part of the United States, it
would entail the voluntary suspension of the quarantine, especially the
searching of ships bound for Cuba. He also appealed to the U.S. President and
the Prime Minister of Cuba to suspend the construction and development of major
military facilities and installations in Cuba during the period of negotiation.
He offered to make himself available to all parties concerned for whatever
services he might be able to perform.
On 25 October 1962,
Premier Khruschev wrote to U Thant accepting his proposal. President Kennedy
also wrote that day that, while he appreciated the spirit that had prompted U
Thant's message, the key to the solution of the crisis lay in the removal of
the weapons from Cuba. Soviet vessels continued on their way to the quarantined
waters. That very day, U Thant followed up with an urgent appeal to the two
leaders. He was concerned that Soviet ships already on their way to Cuba might
challenge the quarantine and produce a confrontation between Soviet and United
States vessels, thereby destroying the possibility of negotiations. He
therefore requested Premier Khruschev to instruct any Soviet ships already
sailing toward Cuba to stay away from the interception area for a limited time.
He also asked President Kennedy to instruct United States vessels in the
Caribbean to do everything possible to avoid direct confrontation with Soviet
ships. To each, he stated that if he received the assurance sought, he would
inform the other side of it.
President Kennedy
immediately accepted his proposal, contingent upon acceptance by the Soviet
Government. Premier Khruschev also accepted the moratorium. He informed U Thant
that he had ordered Soviet vessels bound for Cuba to stay out of the
interception area temporarily. The next day, on 26 October, U Thant sent a
message to Prime Minister Fidel Castro of Cuba informing him of the encouraging
responses he had received to his appeals and asking that construction of major
military installations in Cuba, and especially those designed to launch medium–
and intermediate–range ballistic missiles, be suspended during the period of
negotiations.
After the American
and Soviet acceptances of U Thant's appeal, and during the crucial time he had
obtained for them, President Kennedy and Premier Khruschev had their own
exchange, through letters and messengers, and managed to reach an agreement on
the formula that eventually ended the missile crisis. U Thant traveled to Cuba
from 30 to 31 October 1962 for meetings with Cuban leaders. His visit was of
importance inasmuch as it gave the Cuban leaders an opportunity to let off
steam.
As the agreement was being
consolidated, President Kennedy, in his letter of 28 October 1962 to Premier
Khruschev wrote: "The distinguished efforts of Acting Secretary-General U Thant
have greatly facilitated both our tasks." When all of the details had been
settled and the crisis was over, the American and Soviet negotiators sent a
joint letter to U Thant that said: "On behalf of the Government of the United
States of America and the Soviet Union, we desire to express to you our
appreciation for your efforts in assisting our Governments to avert the serious
threat to peace which arose in the Caribbean area."
THOUGHTS FOR THE FUTURE
In 1987, Secretary-General Pérez de Cuéllar advocated that
the United Nations system should maintain a Comprehensive Global Watch over
threats to human security. This idea retains its value and should be revived.
The United Nations has regional conflict prevention centres in some parts of
the world, such as West Africa and Central Asia. It would be sound policy to
establish more of these centres. Enhanced cooperation with regional and
sub-regional conflict prevention mechanisms would also be worthwhile. It is
also important to increase the staff of the Department of Political Affairs for
preventive work.
The
Secretary-General, spearheading the roles of the United Nations High
Commissioner for Human Rights and of his Special Advisers on the Responsibility
to Protect and the Prevention of Genocide, should foster diplomacy of democracy
and human rights at the country level. This would facilitate conflict
prevention.
The alleviation of
extreme poverty is crucial, as is the empowerment of women. These are issues of
strategy, as well as of justice. Enhancing human dignity is key to successful
prevention.
The idea of
preventive diplomacy is one of the great UN ideas that will be around for as
long as the world organization exists; for behind it is a simple faith that
whatever might be done to prevent crises or conflicts should be considered.
For further reading see: Bertrand G. Ramcharan Preventive
Diplomacy at the UN. UN Intellectual History project, 2008; and the first UN
Secretariat draft of An Agenda for Peace: Preventive Diplomacy, peacemaking and
peacekeeping.
http://www.un.org/africarenewal/web-features/cameroon-celebrates-its-50th-anniversary
Cameroon
celebrates its 50th anniversary
0
18 January 2012
Topics:
Africa
Cameroon
50th anniversary
independence
Author:
Ernest Harsch
School children march in celebrations marking Cameroon's
50th anniversary of independence.
Photograph: UN Africa Renewal / Ernest Harsch
Yaoundé — The central streets and roundabouts of Cameroon's
hilly capital were adorned with banners, flowers and coloured light displays as
thousands of soldiers and other citizens marched in a festive parade on 20 May
to mark a half century since the country first gained its national sovereignty.
"Cameroon is free and independent," declared a large parade sign. "Unity and
solidarity," "long live national integration," "development of Cameroonian
women" and many other slogans featured on the placards of succeeding
contingents.
Among people in Yaoundé's poorer outlying districts, there
also was some expression of pride, especially during local parades that wound
down their dusty streets in the days leading up to the national commemoration.
But with jobs limited and the prices of basic foodstuffs and other necessities
painfully high, many were more preoccupied with the struggle to simply get by.
And as President Paul Biya reminded Cameroonians in a national address kicking
off the 50th anniversary events, "it must be admitted that the most vulnerable
part of our population, especially in the rural areas, has not seen its
conditions improve significantly" since independence.
Cameroon was not alone in achieving its freedom 50 years
ago, in 1960. Sixteen other African countries — mostly former French colonies
but also Nigeria, Somalia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) — also
attained their sovereignty that year. A number of their leaders joined the
dignitaries on the reviewing platform at the 20 May parade or attended the
opening of a two-day international conference that preceded the event. They
included the presidents of Algeria, Burkina Faso, Central African Republic,
Chad, Congo Republic, Côte d'Ivoire, DRC, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, and São
Tomé and Príncipe. Cameroon's powerful neighbour to the north, Nigeria, was
represented not only by recently inaugurated President Goodluck Jonathan, but
also by former presidents Olusegun Obasanjo and Yakubu Gowon.
Regional peace, domestic strains
Nigeria's high-profile presence in Yaoundé was a tribute to
how much relations between the two countries have improved. In 1981 Nigeria and
Cameroon nearly went to war over the disputed Bakasi Peninsula, followed by
more armed clashes in the 1990s and Nigerian military occupation. Although the
International Court of Justice ruled in 2002 that Bakasi belonged to Cameroon,
it took several more years and concerted UN mediation before Nigeria agreed to
implement the ruling and finally withdrew in 2008. The peaceful resolution of
that border conflict was especially notable for a region of Africa that has
seen so many wars and insurgencies.
Unlike many of its neighbours, Cameroon itself has remained
at relative peace — that is, after the bloody years that marked its birth as an
independent state. Before France finally agreed to end its administrative rule,
radical pro-independence insurgents led by Ruben Um Nyobé fought a tenacious
struggle for sovereignty in the late 1950s, but were militarily defeated.
President Ahmadou Ahidjo, who came to power with French backing, continued
counter-insurgency operations against the remnants of the rebellion into the
early 1970s. That experience reinforced the authoritarian tendencies of the
government, which also centralized the Cameroonian state in 1972 by abolishing
a federal system that was established in 1961 when an Anglophone territory
previously administered by the UK voted to join Cameroon.
That history has left a lasting and controversial legacy.
During the 20 May parade, members of a political party claiming allegiance to
the early pro-independence insurgents were barred from carrying portraits of Um
Nyobé and other rebel leaders. Activists of another party, the largest
opposition group in parliament, unfurled signs calling for a return to
federalism and denouncing the electoral commission as biased in favour of
President Biya's party.
A number of Cameroonians — opposition supporters,
independent journalists, academics and even some members of the ruling party —
openly express disillusionment with the country's seeming political stagnation,
despite the return to multiparty politics in the early 1990s. President Biya
has been in office for 28 years, ever since Mr. Ahidjo stepped down after an
illness in 1982. The constitution was amended in 2008 to permit the 77-year-old
incumbent to run for re-election yet again in 2011.
Economic ups and downs
Government supporters argue that such prolonged political
stability has been an important factor in the country's economic and social
achievements. With a population of 20 million, Cameroon is rich in timberland
and waterways, exploits notable oil deposits and other mineral resources and
has a diversified manufacturing sector. Its per capita gross domestic product
is among the top 10 in sub-Saharan Africa.
But like many of its neighbours, Cameroon remains vulnerable
to external economic shocks. As President Biya has noted, these include
deteriorating terms of trade, a slowdown in growth in Europe and Asia (to which
Cameroon sells many of its exports) and erratic price fluctuations for oil and
other raw materials. "All these phenomena have had negative consequences for
our economy," he said.
In recent years, Cameroon's economic growth rates have
generally been below the sub-Saharan average. Nearly 58 per cent of its people
earn less than US$2 a day, and a third under US$1.25 a day. In 2008, sharply
higher food and fuel prices prompted serious rioting in Yaoundé, Douala and
more than two dozen other towns.
According to numerous analysts, such problems are worsened
by Cameroon's high levels of income inequality and its pervasive corruption.
Although scores of government officials, including several ministers, have been
arrested on charges of embezzlement and fraud under an anti-corruption
crackdown known as Operation Sparrowhawk, Cameroon continues to be ranked by
Transparency International and other groups among the more corrupt countries in
Africa.
On the positive side, Cameroon has invested heavily in
education. After some deterioration in the 1990s resulting from budgetary
constraints, government spending began to increase in 2000, leading to the
construction of thousands of new classrooms, higher salaries for teachers and
the abolition of fees for primary school students. The country's enrolment
ratios are comparable to the average for sub-Saharan Africa, and its literacy
rate is slightly above the average. Cameroon now has 190,000 students in its
seven universities, compared with just 1,000 university students in 1961.
In the hopes that these young Cameroonians will eventually
be able to find jobs, the government has recently launched a 10-year "growth
and employment" strategy. It aims to increase investments in roads, power
networks and other infrastructure, modernize aging industries and strengthen
health, education and professional training.
— Africa Renewal online
http://www.un.org/africarenewal/web-features/cameroon-celebrates-its-50th-anniversary
Trust
and Non-Self-Governing Territories (1945-1999)
http://www.un.org/en/decolonization/nonselfgov.shtml
Trust and Non-Self-Governing Territories (1945-1999)
The following
Territories have been subject to United Nations Trusteeship Agreements or were
listed by the General Assembly as Non-Self-Governing. Dates show the
year of independence
or other change in a Territory's status, after which information was no longer
submitted to the United Nations.
- Administering
States -
| AUSTRALIA | BELGIUM | DENMARK | FRANCE | ITALY |
NETHERLANDS |
| NEW ZEALAND |
PORTUGAL | SOUTH AFRICA | SPAIN | UNITED KINGDOM | UNITED STATES |
Administering Power/ Authority
Territory
Status
Year
Australia
Cocos (Keeling) Islands
Change in Status
1984
Papua
Independence as Papua New Guinea
1975
Nauru
Trust Territory
Independence
1968
New Guinea
Trust Territory
Independence as Papua New Guinea
1975
Belgium
Belgian Congo
Independence as Congo Leopoldville, then Zaire
Now Democratic
Republic of the Congo
1960
Ruanda-Urundi
Trust Territory
Independence as Burundi
1962
Independence as Rwanda 1962
Denmark
Greenland Change
in Status
1954
France
French Equatorial Africa Independence
as Chad
1960
Independence
as Gabon 1960
(Middle Congo) Independence
as Congo (Brazzaville)
Now Republic of the
Congo 1960
(Ubangi Shari) Independence
as Central African Republic 1960
French Establishments in India
Change in Status
1947
French Establishments in Oceania
Change in Status
1947
French Guiana Change in
Status
1947
French Somaliland
Independence as Djibouti
1977
French West Africa
Independence as Dahomey
Now Benin
1960
(French Guinea) Independence
as Guinea 1958
(French Sudan) Independence
as Mali 1960
Independence
as Ivory Coast 1960
Independence
as Mauritania 1960
(Niger Colony) Independence
as Niger 1960
Independence
as Senegal 1960
Independence
as Upper Volta
Now Burkina-Faso 1960
Guadeloupe and Dependencies Change
in Status
1947
Indo-China
Independence as Cambodia
1953
Independence as Laos 1949
Independence as Viet Nam 1945
Madagascar and Dependencies
Independence as Madagascar
1960
Independence as Comoros 1975
Martinique
Change in Status
1947
Morocco
Independence
1956
New Caledonia 1 and Dependencies
Change in Status
1947
New Hebrides
(Under Anglo-French
Condominium)
Independence as Vanuatu
1980
Reunion
Change in Status
1947
St. Pierre and Miquelon
Change in Status
1947
Tunisia
Independence
1956
Cameroons
Trust Territory
Independence as Cameroon
1960
French Togoland
Trust Territory
Independence as Togo
1960
Italy
Somaliland
Trust Territory
Independence as Somalia (joined with British Somaliland)
1960
Netherlands
Netherlands Indies
Independence as Indonesia
1949
Netherlands New Guinea
Joined with Indonesia as Irian Jaya
1963
Netherlands Antilles
Change in Status
1951
Surinam
Change in Status
1951
Independence as Suriname 1975
New Zealand
Cook Islands
Change in Status
1965
Niue Island
Change in Status
1974
Western Samoa
Trust Territory
Independence as Samoa
1962
Portugal
Angola, including the enclave of Cabinda
Independence
1975
Cape Verde Archipelago
Independence as Cape Verde
1975
Goa and Dependencies
Change in Status
1961
Portuguese Guinea
Independence as
Guinea Bissau
1974
Macau and Dependencies
Change in Status
1972
Mozambique
Independence
1975
Sao Joمo Batista de Ajuda
Change in Status
1961
Sao Tome and Principe
Independence
1975
East Timor 2
Independence as Timor Leste
2002
South Africa
South West Africa
General Assembly terminated South Africa's mandate
1966
Independence as Namibia 1990
Spain
Fernando Póo and Rí Muni
Independence as Equatorial Guinea
1968
Ifni
Change in Status
1969
United Kingdom
Aden Colony and Protectorate
Independence as South Yemen
1967
Bahamas
Independence
1973
Barbados
Independence
1966
Basutoland
Independence as Lesotho
1966
Bechuanaland Protectorate
Independence as Botswana
1966
British Guiana
Independence as Guyana
1966
British Honduras
Independence as Belize
1981
British Somaliland
Independence as Somalia (joined with Italian Somaliland)
1960
Brunei
Independence
Now Brunei Darussalam
1984
Cyprus
Independence
1960
Fiji
Independence
1970
Gambia
Independence as The Gambia
1965
Gilbert and Ellice Islands Colony
Independence as Kiribati
1979
Independence as Tuvalu 1978
Gold Coast Colony and Protectorate
Independence as Ghana
1957
Hong Kong
Change in Status
1972
Jamaica
Independence
1962
Kenya
Independence
1963
Leeward Islands
(Antigua) Independence
as Antigua
and Barbuda 1981
(St. Kitts- Nevis-Anguilla) Independence
as St. Kitts and Nevis (separated from Anguilla) 1983
Malayan Union
Independence as Federation of Malaya
Now Malaysia [3]
1957
Malta
Independence
1964
Mauritius
Independence
1968
Nigeria
Independence
1960
North Borneo 3
Change in status
1963
Northern Rhodesia
Independence as Zambia
1964
Nyasaland
Independence as Malawi
1964
Sarawak 3
Change in status
1963
Seychelles
Independence
1976
Sierra Leone
Independence
1961
Singapore 3
Independence
1965
Solomon Islands
Independence
1978
Southern Rhodesia
Independence as Zimbabwe
1980
Swaziland
Independence
1968
Trinidad and Tobago
Independence
1962
Uganda
Independence
1962
Windward Islands
(Dominica) Independence
as Dominica 1978
(Grenada) Independence
as Grenada 1974
(St. Lucia) Independence
as St. Lucia 1979
(St. Vincent) Independence
as St. Vincent and the Grenadines 1979
Zanzibar
Independence 4 as United Republic of Tanganyika and Zanzibar
Now Republic of
Tanzania
1963
Cameroons
Trust Territory
Northern Cameroons joined with Nigeria
1961
Southern Cameroons joined with Cameroon 1961
Togoland
Trust Territory
Joined Gold Coast to form Ghana
1957
Tanganyka
Trust Territory
Independence 3 as United Republic of Tanganyika and Zanzibar
after joining
with Zanzibar
Now Republic of
Tanzania
1963
United States
Alaska
Change in Status
1959
Hawaii
Change in Status
1959
Panama Canal Zone
Change in Status
1947
Puerto Rico
Change in Status
1952
Pacific Islands
Trust Territory
Change in Status as Federated Sates of Micronesia
1990
Change in Status as Republic of the Marshall Island 1990
Change in Status as Northern Mariana Islands 1990
Change in Status as Palau 1994
--
The thing always happens that you really believe in; and the belief in
a thing makes it happen.
From: "H.E. KUM Nelson Bame IV" nelson_bame@yahoo.com>
Date: Thu, 14 Feb 2013 15:27:51 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [AfricanTalk] #2: Re: The UN and the Case for the Southern
Cameroons --- Union or DisUnion is Optional!
To: cameroon_politics@yahoogroups.com, cameroonforum@yahoogroups.com,
camnetwork@yahoogroups.com, africanpolitics@yahoogroups.com,
africantalk@yahoogroups.com, Menchum Worldwide
menchumworldwide@googlegroups.com>, WECUDA_USA@yahoogroups.com,
Nigerian Politics naijapolitics@yahoogroups.com>,
Africanpolitics@yahoogroups.com, AfricanTalk@yahoogroups.com,
ub_alumni@yahoogroups.com, UB_Alumni@yahoogroups.com
The southern
Cameroons
(The British
English Cameroons)
(Article In Progress -unedited)
"An African
Experiment" in
Developments
and Hyper-Threads.
Abstract:
"Southern Cameroons" joins the "French Cameroons" in 1961 as a
United Federation with two different political and cultural identities with
intent of co-existing under a defined FEDERAL Union – not a Centralized
Dictatorship. It is clear across all
History that after WWII, the French and English Cameroon territories were two
different geo-political and separate STATES.
The UN does not constrain any aggregation of HUMANS to co-exist whereby
consistent mutual co-existence becomes absolultely impossible. Human
freedom as individuals or nations to
function as one entity or separate entities is the free WILL of the people in
question – not dictatorships. Is it
possible or impossible to remand the UNION?
Basic Answer: It is possible
to Break any UNION that is abortive from the inception, talkless of an abusive
and fruitless UNION.
Power is Given
and Power can be taken back. Sovereignty
is a possession of the People at any time and place under the sun.
The greatest looser is Africa as a
whole. Political Power is never
Sovereign without People and Spiritual/moral authority. If matters
and history is not quickly
redressed as a matter of most critical
essence and most urgency in the Cameroons, the nation is Africa's most
unpredictable time-bomb.
The gun has a
limit to power, the head has a limit to political oppression and the pen and
paper itself has a limited to issuance of laws and decrees that violate natural
and heavenly principles. And when the
time is ripe, the muscles of evil and dictatorships hidden from the world and
America will rise into the horizon over the rising sun, and its custodians will
neither delay nor hold back the Justice and hand of God on the Earth.
The very malignant socio-economic and political maladies
that are annihilating the core of common bond and respect/love for the
commonhood of a shared space (nation) in the Spirit of Integration and mutual
co-existence is that of three principal elements:
-
Two equal states come together for common Political
power sharing and Common Economic Interest but the French Cameroons team up
together in the most powerful places of administration and Finance &
Military and decides to conserve all influential military, financial and
administrative powers of the confederation of former Two African
states. The matter is made worse by materialistic
rationalists who for personal agrandizement and eternalization of power and
materials ruinously mismanage the entire territory at the metaphorphic
cost of LIVES,
health, most basic survival of economic needs and structural imbalances any
economic and political block has ever experienced within a period of over half
a century in the entire world, despite possessing the world's highest per
capita natural resource pool.
-
The second most terrible problem is a very small
cluster of henchmen from one Tribe inherited a dictarship which had a central
objective of forced national unity for common development and transformed it
into personal cash-cows with a merger of political and military powers that
have for over a quarter century turned a nation into a perpetual STATE of
Emergency with police, gendarmes, army and special military sects all over the
English Cameroon lands – such that in the event of any meetings, elections,
business development, or sensitive national discussions, such a repressive
force from an extremely centralized and heavily powerful presidency that
controls all arms of government in the modern age, sporadically arrests,
tortures, kills or destroys any Individual from the English Cameroons who
either intends to run for Presidency or unite the English
Cameroonians. An abysmal and systematized corruption which
FRANCE and the West has covered up very well, for the interest of a few
Enterprises in the Western World in the order of the day in French-managed
Cameroons. Such Corruption thrives and
perpetuates discrepancies and retrogression by allowing French Cameroonians to
steal in Billions of dollars and a handful English cameroonians to Steal and
embezzle in Millions of dollars. Such clustered force in the heart of
the Cameroons hold to heart that an English
Cameroonian can never have acess to strategic Administrative, Financial and
Military Positions. For over
half a century, despite domestic and multi-laterial actions and interventions,
the most fundamental problem of the Nation State of Cameroun( La Republique Du
Cameroon today) is the exploitation of the resources (including precious metals
and Oil) from the English Cameroons to develop the French Cameroons.
There is a massive disproportion in Real
Economic terms and language of Give-and-take of Resources-to-Development to and
from the English Cameroons. World Bank
loans have been secured in recent years thanks to leveraging from the OIL
Refinery, Plantations, and Basic Raw Materials, 70% or more of which
emmanated from
English Cameroons to Finance Airports, Stollen billions of USD and FF/Swiss
Francs at the continual degradation and demise of the lives and Economy of a
Southern Cameroons that once buoyantly possessed its own electrical power
house, its own currency, its own administrative and financial instruments, its
own military, its own airports and airstrips, its own Sea Port and Community
Owned plantations that have all been auctioned off. A colossal
destruction which is real terms
today equates or supercedes the destruction of World War II in monetary terms.
(Section to be continued)
UN Trusteeship Council
The Trusteeship Council, one of the main organs of the
United Nations, was established under Chapter XIII of the Charter to supervise
the administration of Trust Territories and to ensure that Governments
responsible for their administration took adequate steps to prepare them for
the achievement of the Charter goals.
The Charter authorizes the Trusteeship Council to examine
and discuss reports from the Administering Authority on the political,
economic, social and educational advancement of the peoples of Trust
Territories; to examine petitions from the Territories; and to undertake
special missions to the Territories.
To date, all Trust Territories have attained self-government
or independence, either as separate States or by joining neighbouring
independent countries. In 1994, the Security Council terminated the United
Nations Trusteeship Agreement for the last of the original 11 Territories on
its agenda - the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands (Palau), administered by
the United States.
The Trusteeship Council, by amending its rules of procedure,
will now meet as and where occasion may require.
----------------------------------------------------------
Southern Cameroons
seeks implementation of verdict on self-determination
about 2 days ago
http://www.theguardianmobile.com/readNewsItem1.php?nid=10707
THE citizens of Southern Cameroons, through their counsel,
Okoi Obono-Obla, have written to Nigeria's Attorney General of the Federation
and Minister of Justice, Mohammed Bello Adoke (SAN), urging the Federal
Government to immediately comply with the Consent Judgment in Suit No.
FHC/ABJ/CS/30/2002 of March 25, 2002, delivered by the former Chief Judge of
the Federal High Court, Justice Roseline Ukeje, which was in their favour.
The peoples of
Southern Cameroons, represented by Dr. Kevin Ngwang Gumni, Augustine Feh
Ndangam, Chief Ette Otun Ayamba, Prof. Victor Mlkwele Ngoi, Dr. Martin Ngeka,
Nfot Ngala Nfor, Hitler Mbinglo, Dogbima Henry, K Mundam, Simon Ninpa, Shey
Tafon, Paul Yiwir and Isaac Sona, had sued the Federal Government of Nigeria at
the Federal High Court, Abuja.
In the suit, the plaintiffs,
through their originating summons, urged the court to determine whether the
Union envisaged under the Southern Cameroon Plebiscite 1961 between La
Republique du Cameroun and Southern Cameroons legally took effect as
contemplated by the relevant United Nations Resolutions, particularly the
United Nations General Assembly Resolution 1352 (XIV) of October 16, 1959, and
United Nations Trusteeship Council Resolution 2013 (XXIV) of May 31, 1960.
They also want the
court to determine whether the termination by the Government of the United
Kingdom of its trusteeship over the Southern Cameroon on September 30, 1961,
without ensuring prior implementation of the constitutional arrangements under
which the Southern Cameroons and La Republique du Cameroun were to unite as one
federal state, was not in breach of Articles 3 and 6 of the Trusteeship
Agreement for the Territory of the Cameroons under British administration as
approved by the United Nations General Assembly on December 13, 1946, the
United Nations General Assembly Resolutions 1352 of October 16, 1959, 1608 of
April 2, 1961, the United Nations Trusteeship Council Resolution 2013 (XIV) of
May 31, 1960, and Article 76 (b) of the Charter of the United Nations.
The Southern
Cameroons also wants the court to determine whether the assumption of sovereign
powers on October 1, 1961, and the continued exercise of same by the government
of La Republique du Cameroun over Southern Cameroon after the termination by
the government of the United Kingdom of its trusteeship over the territory was
legal and valid when the union between Southern Cameroons and La Republique du
Cameroun contemplated by the Southern Cameroon Plebiscite 1961 had not legally
taken effect.
===============================================================
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Southern_Cameroons
Southern Cameroons
From Wikipedia, the
free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Not to be confused
with South Region (Cameroon).Southern Cameroons
Part of the Cameroons
← 1922–1961
→
Flag
The Southern
Cameroons now constitue the Northwest and Southwest Provinces of Cameroon.
Capital Buea
History
- British Mandate 1922
- Joined Cameroon October 1 1961
Area
- 1987 42,383
km2 (16,364 sq mi)
Population
- 1987 2,100,000
Density 49.5 /km2 (128.3 /sq mi)
Southern Cameroons was the southern part of the British
Mandate territory of Cameroons in West Africa. Since 1961 it is part of the
Republic of Cameroon, where it makes up the Northwest Region and Southwest
Region. Since 1994, pressure groups in the territory have sought independence
from the Republique of Cameroon (La Republique du Cameroun), and the Republic
of Ambazonia was formally declared by the Southern Cameroons Peoples
Organisation (SCAPO) on 31 August 2006.Contents
[hide]
1 League of Nations Mandate
2 Trust Territory
3 Independence movement
4 Bakassi Peninsula
5 See also
6 References
7 Sources and External links
[edit]
League of Nations Mandate
Following the Treaty of Versailles, the German territory of
Kamerun was formally divided on June 28, 1919 between a French and a British
League of Nations Mandate, the French, who had previously administered the
whole occupied territory, getting the larger. The French mandate was known as
Cameroun. The British mandate comprised two geographically separate
territories, Northern Cameroons and Southern Cameroons. They were administered
from, but not joined to, the British territory of Nigeria through the British
Resident (although some incumbents had the rank of District Officer, Senior
Resident or Deputy Resident) with headquarters in Buea.
Applying the principle of indirect rule, the British allowed
native authorities to administer populations according to their own traditions.
These also collected taxes, which were then paid over to the British. The
British devoted themselves to trade, and to exploiting the economic and mining
resources of the territory. South Cameroons students, including Emmanuel Mbela
Lifafa Endeley, created the Cameroons Youth League (CYL) on 27 March 1940, to
oppose what they saw as the exploitation of their country.
[edit]
Trust Territory
When the League of Nations ceased to exist in 1946, most of
the mandate territories were reclassified as UN trust territories, henceforth
administered through the UN Trusteeship Council. The object of trusteeship was
to prepare the lands for eventual independence. The United Nations approved the
Trusteeship Agreements for British Cameroons to be governed by Britain on 6
December 1946.
Southern Cameroons was divided in 1949 into two provinces:
Bamenda (capital Bamenda, hence also thus named) and Southern (capital Buea).
Yet the residential type of administration was continued with a single British
Resident at Buea, but in 1949 Edward John Gibbons was appointed Special
Resident, and on 1 October 1954, when political power shifted to the elected
government, succeeded himself as first of only two Commissioners.
Following the Ibadan General Conference of 1950, a new
constitution for Nigeria devolved more power to the regions. In the subsequent
election thirteen Southern Cameroonian representatives were elected to the
Eastern Nigerian House of Assembly in Enugu. In 1953, however, the Southern
Cameroons representatives, unhappy with the domineering attitude of Nigerian
politicians and lack of unity among the ethnic groups in the Eastern Region,
declared a "benevolent neutrality" and withdrew from the assembly. At a
conference in London from 30 July to 22 August 1953, the Southern Cameroons
delegation asked for a separate region of its own. The British agreed, and
Southern Cameroons became an autonomous region with its capital still at Buea.
Elections were held in 1954 and the parliament met on 1 October 1954, with
E.M.L. Endeley as Premier. As Cameroun and Nigeria prepared for Independence,
South Cameroons nationalists debated whether their best interests lay with
union with Cameroun, union with Nigeria or total independence. Endeley was
defeated in elections on 1 February 1959 by John Ngu Foncha.
The United Nations organised a plebiscite in the Cameroons
on 11 February 1961 which put two alternatives to the people: union with
Nigeria or union with Cameroun. The third option, independence, was opposed by
the UK representative to the UN Trusteeship Council, Sir Andrew Cohen, and as a
result was not put. In the plebiscite, Northern Cameroons voted for union with
Nigeria, and Southern Cameroons for union with (the formerly French) Cameroun.
[edit]
Independence movement
Flag of the
independence movement
Southern Cameroons became part of Cameroon on 1 October
1961. Foncha served as Prime Minister of West Cameroun and Vice-President of
the Federal Republic of Cameroun. However, the English-speaking peoples of the
Southern Cameroons (now West Cameroun) did not believe that they were fairly
treated by the French-speaking government of the country. Following a
referendum on 20 May 1972, a new constitution was adopted in Cameroun which
replaced the federal state with a unitary state. Southern Cameroons lost its
autonomous status and became the Northwest Province and Southwest Province of
the Republic of Cameroun. The Southern Cameroonians felt further marginalised.
Groups such as the Cameroon Anglophone Movement (CAM) demanded greater
autonomy, or independence, for the provinces.
Pro-independence groups claim that UN resolution 1608 21
April 1961, which required the UK, the Government of the Southern Cameroons and
Republic of Cameroun to engage in talks with a view to agreeing measures for
union of the two countries, was not implemented, and that the Government of the
United Kingdom was negligent in terminating its trusteeship without ensuring
that proper arrangements were made. They say that the adoption of a
federal constitution
by Cameroun on 1 September 1961 constituted annexation of South Cameroons.
Representatives of Anglophone groups convened the first All
Anglophone Conference (AAC1) in Buea from 2 April to 3 April 1993. The
conference issued the "Buea Declaration", which called for
constitutional amendments to restore the 1961 federation. This was followed by
the second All Anglophone Conference (AAC2) in Bamenda in 1994. This conference
issued the "Bamenda Declaration", which stated that if the federal state was
not restored within a reasonable time, Southern Cameroons would declare its
independence. The AAC was renamed the Southern Cameroons Peoples Conference
(SCPC), and later the Southern Cameroons Peoples Organisation (SCAPO), with the
Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC) as the executive governing body.
Younger activists formed the Southern Cameroons Youth League (SCYL) in Buea on
28 May 1995. The SCNC sent a delegation, led by John Foncha, to the United
Nations, which was received on 1 June 1995 and presented a petition against the
'annexation' of the Southern Cameroons by French Cameroun. This was followed by
a signature referendum the same year, which the organisers claim produced a 99%
vote in favour of independence with 315,000 people voting.[1]
Armed members of the SCNC took over the Buea radio station
in Southwest Province on the night of 30 December 1999 and in the early hours
of 31 December broadcast a tape of a proclamation of independence read by Judge
Ebong Frederick Alobwede.
Amnesty International has accused the Cameroun authorities
of human right violations against South Cameroons activists.
Complaint with the African Commission on Human and Peoples
Rights - Communication n° 266/2003:
On 9 January 2003, the Southern Cameroons National Council
(SCNC) and the Southern Cameroons Peoples Organisation (SCAPO) filed a
complaint with the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights against the
Republic of Cameroun (registered as Communication n° 266/2003 Re: Kevin Ngwane
Ngumne and Co., acting on their behalf and on behalf of SCNC/SCAPO and the
Southern Cameroons versus the State of Cameroon). Among other allegations, the
complainants alleged that the Republic of Cameroun is illegally occupying the
territory of Southern Cameroons. The Complainants alleged that the Republic of
Cameroon has violated Articles 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7(1), 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 17(1),
19, 20, 21, 22, 23(1), 24 of the African Charter.[2] The SCNC and SCAPO
ultimately seek the independence of the territory of Southern Cameroons.[3] In
a decision reached at its 45th Ordinary Session on May 27, 2009,[4] the African
Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights found that the Republic of Cameroun has
violated Articles 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, 7(1), 10, 11, 19 and 26 the Charter. The Human
Rights Commission determined that Articles 12, 13, 17(1), 20, 21, 22, 23(1) and
24 have not been violated.
The Human Rights Commission further recognized that under
the African Charter and broad international law, Southern Cameroons meets the
definition of a "people" under international law "because they
manifest numerous characteristics and affinities, which include a common
history, linguistic tradition, territorial connection, and political
outlook". The Human Rights Commission declared itself incompetent rationae
temporis, to rule on allegations that occurred prior to 18 December 1989, date
on which the African Charter came into force for the Respondent State (Republic
of Cameroun). Hence, the Human Rights Commission declared itself incompetent to
rule on the complainants' allegations with respect to events that occurred from
the 1961 United Nations plebiscite to 1972 when the Federal and Union
Constitutions were adopted to form the United Republic of Cameroon during which
the Complainants claim the Respondent State (Republic of Cameroun)
"...established its colonial rule there, complete with its structures, and
its administrative, military and police personnel, applying a system and
operating in a language alien to the Southern Cameroon." The Human Rights
Commission stated, however that, if the Complainants can establish that any
violation committed before 18 December 1989 continued thereafter, then the
Commission shall have competence to examine it.
The Human Rights Commission addressed the question, whether
the people of Southern Cameroons are entitled to the right to self
determination contextualizing the question by dealing, not with the 1961 UN
Plebiscite, or the 1972 Unification, but rather the events of 1993 and 1994 on
the constitutional demands vis-à-vis the claim for the right to self
determination of the Southern Cameroonian people. The Human Rights Commission
stated that to invoke Self Determination as prescribed by Article 20 the
African Charter, the Complainant must satisfy the Commission that the two
conditions under Article 20(2), namely oppression and domination have been met.
Based on events that occurred after December 18, 1989 the Human Rights
Commission noted that the Complainants have not demonstrated if these
conditions have been met to warrant invoking the right to self determination.
The Human Rights Commission also noted that in their submission, the Respondent
State (Republic of Cameroun) implicitly accepted that self determination may be
exercisable by the Complainants on condition that they establish cases of
massive violations of human rights, or denial of participation in public
affairs.
The Human Rights Commission noted that autonomy within a
sovereign state is acceptable, in the context of self government, confederacy,
or federation, while preserving the territorial integrity of a State party, can
be exercised under the African Charter.
The Human Rights Commission recommended that the Respondent
State (Republic of Cameroun) should among other things enter into constructive
dialogue with the Complainants, and in particular, SCNC and SCAPO to resolve
the constitutional issues, as well as grievances.
[edit]
Bakassi Peninsula
Following the International Court of Justice ruling of 10
October 2002 that sovereignty over the Bakassi peninsula rested with Cameroon,
SCAPO claimed that Bakassi was in fact part of the territory of Southern
Cameroons. In 2002, SCAPO took the Nigerian government to the Federal High
Court in Abuja to require it to take a case before the International Court of
Justice to establish the right of the people of the Southern Cameroons to
self-determination. The court ruled in their favour on 5 March 2002. On 14
August 2006 Nigeria formally handed over the Bakassi peninsula to Cameroon.
SCAPO responded by proclaiming the independence of the Republic of Ambazonia,
to include the territory of Bakassi.[5]
Southern Cameroons is a member of the Unrepresented Nations
and Peoples Organization (UNPO) since 2005 and a charter member of the
Organization of Emerging African States (OEAS).
[edit]
See also
Ambazonia
Bakassi
Anglophone Cameroonian
[edit]
References
^ Southern Cameroons Peoples Organisation website
^ African Charter
^ "Southern Cameroons: The Banjul Communiqué".
Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization. 2005-05-23. Retrieved
2009-04-27.
^ Google docs
^ The Proclamation of Independence of the Republic of
Ambazonia
[edit]
Sources and External links
SCNC website
WorldStatesmen- Cameroon
http://www.scncforsoutherncameroons.net/index.php?limitstart=20
Mr. Chairman,
Dear Compatriots,
Standing here on behalf of the Leaders Conclave and on
behalf of millions of our suffering people back in our homeland, Southern
Cameroons, and those who for circumstances beyond their control have fled
abroad, it is an honour to me to be in your midst.
Firstly I want to salute your wisdom and courage for not
only having given birth to the WFN, but above all for keeping it alive for
these five challenging years.
Secondly believing that your patriotic spirit has inspired
you to meet here to look back to 2006 when the WFN was born with legitimate
ambition and given a name of hope, hope not for self but for the people it was
born to serve, I wish to submit that your meeting is indeed timely and
challenging.
Read more...
We Are Southern
Cameroonians, Activists Tell Court
Wednesday, 08 June
2011 15:24 Reporter
Monday, June 06, 2011
Culled from thPostWebEdition.com
The Tiko Court room, June 1, was unusually jammed to
capacity and spilled over onto the verandas where stood multitudes of anxious
members of the public, who spent well over seven hours on their feet, peering
through the windows, to witness the trial of some 24 Southern Cameroons
National Council, SCNC, activists.
Last Updated on
Wednesday, 08 June 2011 15:28
Read more...
Memorandum From The
Southern Cameroons National Council
Thursday, 19 May 2011
13:54 Reporter
MEMORANDUM FROM THE SOUTHERN CAMEROONS NATIONAL COUNCIL
(SCNC) TO HER MAJESTY'S GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED KINGDOM ON THE BOTCHED
DECOLONISATION OF THE UN TRUST TERRITORY OF BRITISH SOUTHERN CAMEROONS: AN
APPEAL FOR URGENT MEDIATION, By Chief AYAMBA E.O., National Chairman, SCNC.
The British Southern Cameroons, a former United Nations
Trust Territory under the SACRED TRUST of Her Majesty's Government has been a
long time victim of annexation and colonial occupation by La Republiqué du
Cameroun for nearly five decades consequent upon imperfect de-colonisation of
the territory in October 1961.
Last Updated on
Thursday, 19 May 2011 14:54
Read more...
SCAPO Exhorts UN To Decolonise Southern
Cameroons
Tuesday, 03 May 2011
13:42 Reporter
Southern Cameroons People's Organisation, SCAPO,
International Coordinator, Professor Martin Ayong Ayim, has said their current
efforts are geared towards getting the United Nations to completely decolonise
the former British Southern Cameroons to prevent unnecessary bloodshed.
"I firmly believe that the United Nations and United
Kingdom erred in the termination of the UN Trusteeship of Southern Cameroons in
violation of all UN Articles and Resolutions, notably; UN Art. 102 (I, II), UN
Res 1608 (XV), UN RES. 1514 (XV) of Dec. 14, 1960, and UN Art. 76(b), Prof.
Ayong Ayim told The Post in an online interview.
Last Updated on
Tuesday, 03 May 2011 13:44
Read more...
Occupation Forces of
LRC Begin Heavy Crackdown on SCNC Activists ahead....
Wednesday, 27 April
2011 20:51 Reporter
Normal 0 false false
false EN-US X-NONE X-NONE
While the Pro-consuls of La Republique du Cameroun are
intensifying efforts to intoxicate, manipulate and brainwash Southern
Cameroonians to turn up en-mass and celebrate May 20th which is our dooms-day
and 1st October which they call "Re-unification" day, firm instructions
have been issued by
the Biya regime to commence a heavy crackdown exercise on SCNC activists to
deter them from their God-given right to self-determination. To that effect,
fifteen SCNC activists ranging between the ages of 39 and 80 years were on the
20th of April
THE LEGAL ARGUMENT FOR SOUTHERN CAMEROON INDEPENDENCE
SC Workshop – Bamenda
11 February 2005
Presented by Germanus
Dounge
Introduction:
"An annexed people is
always for a king or an Emperor a matter of complex problems for his own people
are always divided on the annexation like the annexed people themselves: he
always has sleepless nights over them until the annexed people free themselves
by sword or by negotiation, for the ashes of annexation are never completely
cold"
Michiavelo Machiaveli
The problem which has
been existing between the Southern Cameroons and La Republique du Cameroun
since 1961 has been given many improper names:
i. Marginalization
(political, economic, social, cultural, and linguistic);
ii. Lack of democracy
in the domain of elections;
iii. Bad governance;
iv. Non-accommodation
of Anglo-French bilingualism on the grounds of the
French domino theory;
v. Dictatorship;
vi. Lack or imbalance
of Affectio societatis between Southern Cameroonians and camerounais;
vii. Annexation
The last name,
annexation, is the appropriate name: the first six have been in use since 1972;
but annexation has been in use only since the peoples of the Southern Cameroons
started their struggle for liberation in 1982 with the meetings of elites of
the North-West and South-West provinces in Douala. These meetings served as the
nucleus of what was to later to become the CAMEROON ANGLOPHONE MOVEMENT (CAM) in
December 1991.
CAM later transmuted
to the SOUTHERN CAMEROONS RESTORATION MOVEMENT (SCARM) in July 1996. CAM
popularized the name, annexation, in its information bulletin called CAM Forum
No. 2. Annexation is the appropriate name because it is justified in
international law. The other names can be justified only in domestic law, that
is, within the framework of a national constitution.
To justify the
current struggle for independence for the Southern Cameroons and win the
sympathy of the international community, SCARM all along has been focusing on
the international status of the Southern Cameroons by exposing, explaining and
upholding the struggle within the framework of international law. This has been
done in four sections:
Section 1 – The physical
and legal birth of the Southern Cameroons under international law;
Section 2 – The
international legal existence of the Southern Cameroons from 1919 to 1946 under
the Leagus of Nations;
Section 3 – The
international legal existence of the Southern Cameroons from 13 December 1946
to 1961 under United Nations Trusteeship;
Section 4 – The
international legal existence of the Southern Cameroons from its annexation on
1st October 1961 to the expected independence.
THE LEGAL ARGUMENT IN INTERNATIONAL LAW FOR INDEPENDENCE FOR
THE SOUTHERN CAMEROONS.
SECTION 1
The Physical and
Legal Birth of the Southern Cameroons under International Law.
The German colony of
KAMERUN was lying between the British colony of NIGERIA and the French colonies
of Tchad, Oubangui-chari, Congo and Gabon. At the outbreak of the First World
War in 1914 the British West African Frontier Forces from The Gambia, Sierra-
Leone, Ghana (the Gold Coast) and Nigeria gathered at Ikom in Nigeria under the
command of General CHARLES C. DOBELL. These British colonial troops entered the
German colony of Kamerun and fought their first battle with German colonial
troops commanded by Colonel Zimmermann at SANAKANG. The French colonial troops
from Tchad, Oubangui-Chari, Congo and Gabon, under the command of General
Joseph AYMERICH, entered KAMERUN to fight the German troops. The war lasted
from 1914 till 1918 with the defeat of the German troops in Kamerun.
The British troops
from the west and the French troops from the east had penetrated right inside
the colony by 1916. The British Secretary for the Colonies, Alfred MILNER and
the French Minister for the Colonies and Navy, Henri SIMON, realizing that
their combined troops were about to capture German KAMERUN, drew a line in 1916
to partition the German colony between Britain and France. As the war
progressed, Alfred MILNER and Henri SIMON signed an agreement to confirm the
line in 1917: the agreement became known as the SIMON – MILNER AGREEMENT which
shared the German colony of KAMERUN into two sectors for Britain in the West
and for France in the East.
When the map of the
partition was sent from London to General Charles C. Dobell, he unexpectedly
rejected the map, sent it back to London in protest on grounds that the
partition of the land from the sea – Tiko through Misselele to Muyuka - is the
area where he lost many of his men, and that land had been put in the French
Sector according to the map; so he could never accept it; that that piece of
land must be in the British Sector.
London rejected
Dobell's argument and refused to modify the map: Dobell threatened to fight the
French troops which were already camping in the disputed area. Realising the
seriousness of Dobell's threat, London gave in and modified the map to include
the disputed area in the British Sector as requested by Dobell. Dobell was
later accused by the British of rebellion and insubordination and sent on
punitive transfer to Rawalpindi in India (Rawalpindi is today in Pakistan).
The war ended in 1918
with the defeat of Germany and the partition of the German colony of KAMERUN.
Britain and France set up administrations in their respective sectors. In 1919
Britain, France and Germany signed the Versailles Peace Treaty at LE PALAIS DES
GALERIES DES GLACES (Versailles – France) on 28 July 1919. This treaty
confirmed the Simon – Milner Agreement of 1916: and this was the physical and
Legal Birth of the Southern Cameroons in international law binding Britain,
France and Germany, and eye-witnessed by the United States.
It should be noted
that during the war, the United States which had refused to fight alongside
France and Britain when contacted, sold war materials to Britain and France
according to the "Buy and Carry Act" passed by the US Congress as a diplomatic
way of assisting Britain. "Buy and Carry Act" meant you buy them in cash.
According to President Woodrow Wilson "we sell arms to you and you carry them
away at once in one shipment to where you want and to do what you want".
When contacted to
sign the Versailles Peace Treaty as a big power, Woodrow Wilson refused on the
grounds that "we have not been defeated nor have we won in a war we have only
heard of; but we should seat at Versailles as an observer". The Versailles
Peace Treaty, an international treaty, made the Simon – Milne Agreement
boundary the permanent international boundary between the Southern Cameroons
and La Republique du Cameroun du premier janvier 1960.
SECTION 2
The First Specific International Status of the Southern
Cameroons within International Boundaries.
Before the formation
of the League of Nations, the international boundary of the Southern Cameroons
on its eastern border was the one recognised by the Versailles Peace Treaty: on
its western border, the international boundary was the one recognised by the
Anglo – German Treaty of 1913. The League of Nations was founded as an
international organisation to promote, maintain and keep peace around the
world. As manager of international peace, the League of Nations put all the
territories of German colonies captured during the war under a system of
Mandatory Administration to mandated powers. Britain – France - Belgium became
Mandatory Powers respectively for British Cameroons, Tanganyika, Papua New
Guinea, British Togoland; French Cameroun, French Togo; Rwanda – Burundi.
The Southern
Cameroons was given an international status in 1922 as a League of Nations
Mandated Territory under British Administration. In 1931, the League of Nations
requested Britain and France to landmark the international boundary between the
British Cameroons and French Cameroun.
So on 9 January 1931,
the "Cameroons boundary Commission" met in London. Under the supervision of the
League of Nations. Administrators of the British Cameroons and those of French
Cameroun landmarked the international boundary by building concrete cement
pillar marks along the boundary: each landmark was the object of a specific
topographic document which was co-signed by the Administrators of both
countries.
SECTION 3
The Illegitimate and
Illegal claim of Sovereignty over the Territory of the Southern Cameroons by La
Republique du Cameroun on the grounds that the German colony of Kamerun (
Camereroes) became a German colony in 1884 by a Treaty signed between the
German Consul GUSTAV NAGHTIGAL and the Kings of Douala.
That German colony
comprised the current territory of La Republique du Cameroun and the British
Cameroons; but the territory of German Kamerun has gone through a number of
changes of its original boundaries over time. It is known that Germany, under
Chancellor Von Bismark went out later for colonies because Von Bismark had in
the past told the Reishtag (Parliament): "I do not need colonies". But Bismark,
pressured by Von Papin, decided later to get colonies especially in Africa. So
Germany wanted the area from Tangiers to Casablanca in the northern part of
Morocco, a French colony.
The military governor
of Morocco, General Lyanty, bitterly opposed the German request. France and
Germany quarreled over Tangiers – Casablanca; and in order to settle the
dispute, France preferred to offer land to Germany in the heart of Africa where
France had many large colonies: Gabon, Congo, Oubangui – Chari, Tchad. France's
move was probably due to the fact that those four colonies were governed by
civilian governors who, of course, were more amenable than a military governor
like General Lyanty in Morocco, Biaut –Willaumez in Gabon, Saborgnan de Brazzo
(an Italian) in Congo, Captain Lomy in Oubangui – Chari, and Reverend Father
Foureau in Tchad. Germany accepted France's offer first by a treaty on 4
November 1911.
A portion of Tchad
and a portion of Congo were joined to the German colony. By a treaty on 1st
October 1912, a portion of Northern Gabon was joined to Kamerun. On 1st February
1913, a very large portion of western Oubangui – Chari was joined to Kamerun.
So France expanded the territory of German Kamerun by 275,000 square kilometers
before the outbreak of the war in 1914. By the effect of war, the expanded
German Kamerun was shared between Britain and France.
France and the
Returned Lands from the expanded German Kamerun.
Two factors were at
play:
1. The Mandate of the
League of Nations;
2. The bitter
protests of the populations of the portions of French colonies which were
attached to the original German Kamerun less than five years earlier.
France took over its
portion of the divided German Kamerun in a very brutal manner, especially by
forcefully suppressing the German language. The French-speaking populations who
were joined to German Kamerun soon tabled two complaints: first, that war was
never fought in the areas they inhabited as it was in the German-speaking area;
that they did not yet speak German well; secondly, that they were not colonized
by the Germans; that they willingly collaborated with the French troops against
German troops. So, considering all those complaints, France returned to its
colonies their respective portions of territory she ceded to Germany by
treaties. So the Mandate given to France was applied on its original portion of
German Kamerun, that is, the current territory of La Republique du Cameroun
since 1916.
La Republique du
Cameroun cannot legally claim the territory of the Southern Cameroons; La
Republique du Cameroun has been claiming it as part of German Kamerun. How can
a war booty believe that it is the father or mother of a twin war booty? The
Southern Cameroons and La Republique du Cameroun are both monozygotic twins
(from one egg) of the First World War. ( c/f: London – Cameroons Boundaries
Commission – State Treaties Series No. CMD / 3639 / 03 – 9 January 1931).
SECTION 4
The International Legal Existence of Southern Cameroons from
13 December 1946 till 1st October 1961.
After the Yalta
Conference in 1944 - (Stalin (Soviet Union)– Franklin Delano Roosevelt (USA) –
Orlando (Italy) – Winston Churchill (Britain) - the U.N.O. was formed on 24
October 1945 at San Francisco to replace the League of Nations. On 13 December
1946, the U.N.O. created its Trusteeship Council by UNGAR 63-111 to replace the
Mandates System of the defunct League of Nations. By the same Resolution 63-111
of 13 December 1946, the UN appointed Britain – France – Belgium – Australia –
New Zealand Administering Authorities for the same territories over which there
had been mandated powers of the defunct League of Nations. The same day, 13
December 1946, the U.N.O. signed Trusteeship Agreements with each Administering
Authority for the former Mandated Territories. By these Agreements the former
Mandated Territories became known as UN Trust Territories under the
Administration of the Administering Authority.
The UN and Britain
signed the Trusteeship Agreement No Document A / 152 / REV2 for the British
Cameroons; and No. Document A / 155 / REV2 for La Republique du Cameroun
The Southern
Cameroons then had its second specific international legal status as a UN Trust
Territory. From 13 December 1946 the Southern Cameroons enjoyed its new
international legal status through numerous UNGA Resolutions till 1st October
1961. The most important UN Resolutions on the Southern Cameroons in
chronological order are:
* Resolution 338 – XI
banning public corporal punishment within the territory: from this resolution,
the popular 25 lashes were henceforth given as punishment inside a house, no
more in the public view.
• Resolution 224 –
111 on the Administrative Union between adjacent UN Trust Territories under the
same Administering Authority (see Nigeria and the Southern Cameroons as part of
the Eastern Region of Nigeria till 1959 with Dr. E.M.L. Endeley as Prime
Minister).
• Resolution 1282 –
X111 of 13 July 1958 with British Report T./ 93 on the progress towards
independence.
* Resolution 1350 –
XIV on the principle of a plebiscite in the Southern Cameroons.
• Resolution 1352 –
XIV of 16 October 1959 organizing the plebiscite in both Northern and Southern
British Cameroons.
• Resolution 1608 –
XV of 21 April 1961 on the independence and union with La Republique du
Cameroun.
SECTION 5
The Plebiscites of 11 and 12 February 1961
Definition of plebiscite:
It is a vote to
confirm a decision which has already been taken: in case of a YES vote, the
decision is maintained; in case of a NO vote, the decision should be called off
and the process may be re-launched. But the Southern Cameroons plebiscite was
not a de jure confirmation of the two questions put at the plebiscite. Any YES
vote was a mere wish for union; it was due to have any legal effect only as it
was later specified by Resolution 1608 –XV of 21 April 1961. So the YES vote
for union with La Republique du Cameroun was not legally binding.
Already Resolution
1352 – XIV categorically stated in its paragraph 6:
"the Administering
Authority should take steps to separate the Administration of the Southern
Cameroons from that of Nigeria not later than 1st October 1960".
This paragraph put La
Republique du Cameroun and Nigeria on an equal footing so that on 1st October
1960, the day fixed by the UN for independence for Nigeria, L a Republique du
Cameroun and Nigeria had no legal link with the Southern Cameroons. This put a
legal end to the Administrative union according to Resolution 224.
By contrast, a
referendum is a vote to authorize to take a decision to do something: the two
procedures are not substitutive. The 1961 plebiscite was a vote on a projected
legal union whose legal treaty was due to be worked out as prescribed by
Resolution 1608.
SECTION 6
The Debate on Resolution 1608 – XV at the UNGA on 21st April
1961
The Draft Resolution
was proposed by India (IYA JAIPAL and Chrishna MENON)
-Chairman 14th
General Assembly: Lambertin Dinar (Indonesia)
-Chairman of the
Southern Cameroons item 13 and 41: Adnan PACHASI (Iraq)
-Vice – Chairman:
Miss Silvia Shelton Villalien (Cuba)
-Djabal Abdo (Iran),
Plebiscite Commissioner (seating with consultative status).
Take note that the
vote was in three stages:
Round 1: Termination
of the Trusteeship Agreement for the Southern Cameroons.
Round 2: Independence
and its date.
Round 3: The Treaty
and form of union between the Southern Cameroons and La Republique du Cameroun.
The chairman opened
the Debate by putting to vote the entire Resolution 1608 as drafted by the team
chaired by M. Stravoulopos; and it was accepted by acclamation..
The chairman then put
to vote the Rounds with the following results:-
- Round 1: 50 YES votes, 6 NO votes, 12 abstentions;
- Round 2: 50 YES
votes, 6 NO votes, 12 abstentions;
- Round 3: Union in
the form of a United Federal Republic of Cameroons [Cameroons in the plural (2
Cameroons: La Republique du Cameroun and the Southern Cameroons)]: 50 YES
votes, 21 NO votes, 6 abstentions as specified in paragraph B.
THE TREATY OF UNION:
A constitutional
conference to be held to draft or workout an international Legal Treaty for the
projected union with the assistance of Britain, the Southern Cameroons, La
Republique du Cameroun, three experts in Constitutional and Administrative law.
This Treaty of Union could legally validate the YES vote retroactively.
According to the Law on Treaties (that is their legal system), the draft
constitution must be approved by both parliaments of La Republique du Cameroun
and the Southern Cameroons by a Vote of Acceptance after first and second
readings to the House by the Speaker; readings during which probable questions
on the sensitive points would be asked and answered as well as the
psychological, semantics and syntaxes in the draft.
If it is rejected,
the work on these points must be done again satisfactorily. If it is accepted,
it can be debated on its legal implications. After the debate, it can be
ratified, meaning that it is good. Then a length of time is set for reflection
on it; then after that time, it can be signed, making it internationally
binding in international law.
SECTION 7
Federation:
There two kinds of federation: aggregative and segregative
A Segregative
Federation is a mode of governance by a sovereign state to resolve political,
economic or cultural problems within the state – it is not recognized in
international law – its members are generally called autonomous regions,
provinces or districts: they are not states as defined by the international
law. And in international law they cannot quit the federation because they are
an integral part of the national territory.
An Aggregative
Federation is the form of federation the Southern Cameroons voted for in the
1961 plebiscite – it is formed by sovereign states which have internationally
recognised boundaries. Although the Southern Cameroons was not a sovereign and
independent state, at the time of the plebiscite, it had its international
legal status as a UN Trust Territory which allowed the Southern Cameroons to
form an aggregative federation with La Republique du Cameroun. That
was the reason
why the UN could not simply ask the Southern Cameroons at the plebiscite to
integrate itself into La Republique du Cameroun.
It was on this legal
ground that the UN envisioned the workout of a Treaty of Union for the
projected federation according to the international law on Treaties. So one
wonders why La Republique du Cameroun calls the Southern Cameroons a province
of its territory. Members of an aggregative federation are called Federated
States: each of them has the right to quit the federation. Examples of
aggregative federations are: Federation of the Federated States of Micronesia
in the South Pacific, Senegal / Gambia. The majority of federations around the
world are segregative federations: Brazil, India, Nigeria, Argentina,
Australia, Germany, etc.
SECTION 8
The Foumban Conference: How it took place (c/f la Duperie du
Foumban).
"As the Anglophones
were given only three days to study the constitution that sealed their fate" .
Foumban is a calm,
sunny and beautiful town, where Ahmadou Ahidjo used to go to for relaxation
because of his twin friendship between Sultan Seidou and Arouna Njoya.
According to eye-witnesses at the time, Foumban was an island of peace in a
environment where terror reigned in the midst of an armed rebellion. Despite
the enormous means in men and materials put at the disposal of the regular
army, it was not easy for it to crush the rebellion led by the National
Liberation Army of Cameroun, the armed wing of the UPC.
In the two weeks
leading up to the Foumban Conference, it was reported that more than one
hundred people had been killed by terrorists in Loum, Bafang, Ndom and Douala.
The echoes of these killings rapidly spread across the Mungo and seriously
worried a large number of unification advocates there. On several occasions,
Foncha had to publicly express his worries; on July 3, 1961 in Douala he made
the following appeal: "Those who are killing should return to legality and work
for the greatness of this country".
In that climate of
high insecurity in the country, Ahidjo was very much worried about how to
reassure the leaders of the Southern Cameroons; so in deciding on the choice of
Foumban as venue for the conference, Ahidjo thereby wanted to prove to those
leaders that he was the master of peace. But Ahidjo's choice was not completely
without risks. Indeed Sultan Seidou and the traditional council of the Bamoun
people have always been on the side of legality; but it should be remembered
that Felix-Roland Moumie, a son of the soil, was one of the front leaders of
the UPC, and as such , he had won many hearts over to the UPC cause; and he had
even succeeded in introducing the doctrine of the UPC into the Sultan's palace
through one Mekou Samuel who was not only a friend but also the private
secretary to the Sultan. Mekou Samuel had joined the UPC in the early days of
its launching.
Even though the
Koutaba military camp was there to reassure whoever, "the terrorists" of ANLK
had proven that they mastered the field and could carry out any audacious attack
wherever as was confirmed by the recent killing of the SDO, Albert Khong,
through the complicity of DO Samuel Njouma.
In order to curb the
infiltration of terrorists into Bamoun country, the authorities had tightened
preventive security measures: after a short period of relative calm, a curfew
was reinforced in all the administrative units around Foumban effective from
the beginning of July. A stern communiqué issued by the prefet of Mbouda on
July 3, 1961 to the populations that were used to violating the curfew warned
that nobody should be found outdoors from 10pm to 5am in the Mbouda urban area,
and from 7pm to 10pm in the assembling campus in the area of Bamboutos (camps
commando); that from 6.30pm, only the vehicles of the administrative
authorities,
army and police were allowed to move. These same measures were taken in bafang,
Bangante and Dschang.
On July 6, 1961 at
the end of his tour in "Bamileke country", the minister of justice pledged to
the administrative authorities that " he will inform the head of state about
the encouraging feeling of the population about the very efficient fight
against terrorism by the authorities". The much publicised tranquillity and
serenity and the paradisaical locality of Foumban was all fake. Of the
date of 16
July 1961, only the people of the inner circle, like the minister of interior,
Arouna njoya, knew that Foumban was nothing but an entrenched camp.
Introductions on preparations for the Conference
By all indications,
one can believe that the principle to hold the constitutional conference in
Foumban was adopted in the aftermath of the plebiscite of 11-12 February 1961
in the Southern Cameroons. Watch out! The Sultan of Foumban, Seidou Njoya, was
one of the very few dignitaries who were at the Yaounde airport on March 3,
1961 to welcome Foncha who had come to brief Ahidjo on the outcome of the
plebiscite. Five weeks later, precisely between 11 and 13 APRIL 1961, Ahidjo
received in his palace, one after another, Njoya Arouna, and the nephew of the
latter, Sultan Seidou Njoya of Foumban – since then, these three personalities,
even before all of them died, people have always been tight lipped about the
agenda of their meeting; but one may guess that the guidelines of the proposed
constitutional conference were discussed during the underground meetings of the
trio – Ahidjo – Seidou – Arouna. In fact, soon after that meeting, Yaounde
(Ahidjo) sent strict instructions to the administrative authorities in the
Bamoun country about the big projected event.
Without boasting his
double capacity as eye-witness and as sous prefet of Foumban at that time,
Emmanuel Njoya recounts the story as if it took place just two days ago. Let us
listen to Emmanuel Njoya, now 92 years old, who was the sous-prefet of Foumban
in 1961; hear him:
" I became an
administrative authority in 1955 as assistant DO of Foumban; from 1959 to 1963,
I was the sous-prefet of the same town. Two months before the opening of the
conference, the prefet, Jean-Marcel Mengueme, and myself were instructed and
trusted with the organisation of the conference.
So while waiting for
the politicians to come in for business, the prefet and the sous-prefet had to
resolve the tedious problem of accommodation, feeding and transport of
delegates as well as the animation of Foumban during the six days of the
conference; decent houses hosting functionaries were requested; big farmers
likeLaurent Guerpillon, Andre Blanc, Trolier et Charles Ock Dopher were
solicited and contributed by putting at our disposal either a vehicle or a
beautiful house; this local contribution was meagre compared to the huge means
that were sent from Yaounde. As I must speak the truth, we cajoled, lured and
enticed the Anglophones by our way of welcoming them; we were given so many
things to prepare for the conference----- with all these things at our
disposal, we lured the Anglophones.
Ahidjo and Foncha
were accommodated in the Sultan's palace where the Sultan himself took care of
them. As concerns the others, we were given a special assignment to blindfold
them: so each delegate had a refrigerator in his room, which was always full of
champagnes and other assorted drinks; each big one among them had two
refrigerators in his room, had a well-made bed with the most beautiful and
expensive mattress and beddings. In addition, there were two beautiful girls
who were assigned to permanently take care of him. These are the things which
normally should not be told- these girls were instructed to permanently take
care of our guests--that was real corruption-corruption has always existed- it
has not started today..but at that time, it was not corruption for selfish
interests as it is today..at the time it was good corruption to build the
country.
As for the agenda of
the activities, it included ballroom dances every evening throughout the week;
cocktails followed by ballroom dances in Auberge de Foumban, prefet's
residence, sous-prefet's residence, Dr. Herve's residence; these were the
logistics put in place when the delegations set foot on the soil of Foumban on
July 16, 1961.
Arrival of delegations
First to arrive was
the delegation of La republique du Cameroun du premier janvier 1960, headed by
Ahmadou Ahidjo: it comprised Charles Assale (premier minister), Charles Okala
(minister des affaires etrangeres), Josue Tetang (Secretaire d'Etat a
l'Information), Christian Tobie Kuoh (Secretaire general du minister des
Affaires etrangeres), the Guinea-Conakry-born Cheick Kekou Sissoko (chef du
Secretariat particulierd'Ahmadou Ahidjo). Arouna Njoya(, Minister of interior,
had been come ahead of the delegation to supervise the preparations for the
conference.
The delegation of the
Southern Cameroons left Tiko by a twin engine plane on the same 16 July 1961
and landed at Koutaba; as soon as it landed, the delegation left for Foumban by
road where they arrived in the afternoon in the midst of an immense and
enthusiastic crowd. It was made up of John Ngu Foncha, Emmanuel Liffaffe
Endeley, Augustine Ngom Jua, Solomon Tandeng Muna, Nerius Namasso Mbile, John
Bokwe, Bernard Fonlon; ten KNDP members, five CPNC members and two Ok members,
and traditional rulers. At night fall, the delegation, still very tired after
the long tedious journey from Tiko to Foumban, found solace for their tiredness
by joining the immense crowd in singing and drinking; the ceremony was animated
by Orchestre Irenee and Victor Priso band at the Auberge de Foumban.
The next day, 17 July
1961, the delegates, highly spirited, moved into the premises of the Cours
complementaire (Teachers Training college). Consecutive speeches from Ahidjo,
Foncha and Endeley lauded the singular opportunity for the come together.
Endeley, leader of the opposition who had threatened to raise one hundred
thousand men to break away and join Nigeria during the plebiscite campaigns,
had already forgotten about that threat.
Opening the Conference by Ahidjo on July 17, 1961
Ahidjo, standing by
the edge of a very long table covered with a green cloth, opened the
constitutional conference that brought together the delegates of la Republique
du Cameroun and those of the Southern Cameroons which was still a UN Trust
Territory evolving towards the termination of the Trusteeship Agreement and
independence. Ahidjo said: "The Bamoun country which I have chosen to host this
conference, and whose chief, Sultan Seidou, is our friend whom I warmly thank
for welcoming us so heartily, is a country where one would like to go for rest
and relaxation". This is how Ahidjo justified his choice of Foumban as the
venue for the conference.
Soon after the
speeches, the trust and confidence of the Southern Cameroons delegation was
rudely shattered by Ahidjo: to the surprise of the Southern Cameroons
delegates, Ahidjo rudely requested them to make their observations on the Draft
constitution. "Which constitution?" Southern Cameroons delegates shouted! They
had thought that they had come to Foumban together with Ahidjo's delegation in
order to jointly draft a constitution for the future federal united state. They
were very embarrassed to learn that the drtaft constitution had been handed to
Foncha for screening and studying long ago; but Foncha kept the Document
secret.
The All Party
Conference that held in Bamenda a month earlier had been the occasion to screen
and debate the Ahidjo draft constitution. Mbile said: " We have the feeling
that we have waisted our time coming to Foumban for the draft to be tabled to
us for our observations in this way. This is in total contradiction to our
expectations; instead of a draft confederal constitution, we are being
requested to make observations on a draft highly centralised constitution with
unlimited powers; members of the CPNC delegation can now understand what Foncha
meant when he said in the Akwa meeting hall in Douala on 13 July 1961: "the
goals of the struggle have been completely achieved".
Ngom Jua's angry
surprise seemed to indicate that even within the KNDP everybody was not aware
of the handing of the draft constitution to Foncha. Bitter protests erupted
from all round: the protesting Southern Cameroons delegation demanded that they
should be given three more weeks to study the draft. They recalled the
constitutional conferences of London in 1953, 1957, and 1958, each of them
having lasted for at least three weeks.
Endeley warned: "Too
much haste would have far-reaching consequencies on the people of the
Cameroons".
Ngom Jua screamed: "I
have never seen people expected to write a constitution in two days!"
The tense atmosphere
of unhappiness and protests caused one journalist to write: " political
observers are wondering if it is really here in Foumban in this rowdy
atmosphere that the guidelines of a federal constitution are going to be
effectively drawn".
Finally, just after
the mid-day meal, the Southern Cameroons delegation sat down to work in
studying the Ahidjo draft constitution. The atmosphere was kafkaienne: counting
on their experience gained during the constitutional conferences in London and
Lagos (Lugard, MacPherson, Littleton constitutions) the Southern Cameroons
delegates worked really hard on the Draft brought to them from Yaounde. While
they were working in anger, distrust and suspicion, the francophones were
relaxing calmly as they had spent months to draft the constitution with the
assistance of French experts in constitutional law.
The atmosphere of the
workshop was often rowdy; from time to time delegates shouted in protest and in
anger. According to Namasso Mbile, Foncha, feeling guilty for having deprived
his colleagues of the opportunity to study the draft at the All Party
Conference in Bamenda, adapted a low profile throughout the working session.
On Thursday night,
the Southern Cameroons delegation handed the report of their work to the
francophone side: the report contained amendments demanded by the Foncha
delegation on the following points:
1. The Flag.
2. National Anthem.
3. Motto
4. Federal Capital to
be in Douala.
5. Electoral maturity
at 21.
6. Secret ballot.
7. Powers and
attributions of the federal president.
8. Presidential
mandates limited to two.
9. A federal assembly
made up of a national assembly and a senate.
10. Double
nationality.
11. Primary and
Higher education system.
12. Cancellation of
the word INDIVISIBLE from the constitution.
Unification
The next day, Friday,
July 21, 1961, the last plenary session was opened by Ahidjo with fanfare and
festivities as many traditional dance groups from all over Bamoun country had
been converging at Njinka since dawn , and the festivities went on till 4pm.
At 4pm Foncha took
the floor and congratulated everyone for the team spirit and fraternity that
prevailed during the working session.
Endeley took the
floor after Foncha and warmly thanked Sultan Seidou for the lavish welcome
given to them and expressed his high satisfaction for the success of the work;
he concluded as follows:
"Mr. President, we
shall always be completely loyal to you whenever you should request our
collaboration for the larger interests of Cameroon".
At 4.30pm, Ahidjo
took the floor to address the plenary session; he swiftly and rudely gave
answers to the demands of the Southern Cameroons delegation for amendments to
the draft constitution. A second shock awaited the Southern Cameroons
delegation: Ahidjo, in a rather dictatorial manner, brushed aside all the
demands tabled by the Southern Cameroons delegation.
He said: "The word
indivisible will be cancelled, but a clause guaranteeing the integrity of the
federation and preventing any possibility of secession shall be introduced. For
lack of big financial means, there is no room for a bicameral parliament; the
House of Chiefs will be maintained; Yaounde must remain the federal capital.
-There is no room for double nationality; -The president and the vice-president
shall be elected by universal suffrage. -While waiting for the setting up of
new institutions, the functions of the federal president and federal
vice-president shall be performed by the president of la republique du Cameroun
and the prime minister of the Southern Cameroons"
The Foumban conference did not satisfy the prescription of
UN GA Resolution 1608 (XV) of 21 April 1961, neither in form nor in substance.
SECTION 9
The Independence of
La Republique du Cameroun du premier Janvier 1960
The United Nations,
by UNGAR 1349 – XIV of 13 March 1959 decided to grant independence to le
Territoire soustutelle l'ONU du Cameroun sous administration francaise on 1st
January 1960. The Territory did achieve independence on 1st January 1960. The
British permanent representative at the UN, Sir Andrew Cohen, represented
Britain at the independence ceremony.
A Constitutional
referendum was held on 12 February 1960. On 4 March 1960, the constitution as
approved by the referendum was promulgated.
- On 10 April 1960,
presidential elections took place: the president was elected by the Depute's at
the National Assembly. There could not be elections by universal suffrage
because there was an insurrection ravaging the country. Ahidjo had only one
opponent, Abel Eyinga, who was not residing in Cameroun but in Algeria as a
lecturer in the Faculty of Law in Algiers and France.
- On 28 January 1960,
the newly independent La Republique du Cameroun applied for UN membership.
- On 20 September
1960, by UNGA Resolution 1476 – XIV La Republique du Cameroun was granted UN
membership.
- On 6 August 1961,
the National Assembly amended the constitution of 4 March 1960 by 88 YES votes,
zero NO votes, and 6 abstentions.
- On 1st September
1961, the amended constitution was promulgated as the federal constitution of
the Federal Republic of Cameroon. This was done in total violation of the
strict and specific prescriptions of the UNGA Resolution 1608 –XV of 21 April
1961 on the projected union between La Republic du Cameroun and the Southern
Cameroons as the outcome of the UN-sponsored plebiscite of 11 and 12 February
1961 in the British Cameroons. The federal constitution of 1st September 1961
was signed by the president of La Republique du Cameroun, Ahmadou Ahidjo,
alone; never by John Ngu Foncha, the Prime Minister of the Southern Cameroons.
SECTION 10
La Republique du Cameroun and the Southern Cameroons were
not a Franco – British Condominium:
A condominium is a
Latin word meaning a house jointly managed by two equal masters. So a
condominium
is a territory jointly ruled by two powers according to a treaty they signed in
international law. Examples of condominiums are: the present island of St.
Martin in the West Indies = Netherlands West Indies, Aruba – Bonaire – Curacao
– Saba – St. Martin – St. Eustache. St. Martin is jointly ruled by France and
The Netherlands. The New Hebrides (today Vanuatu) was a Franco – British
condominium; it was a bilingual French – English condominium. But take note
that a condominium is not necessarily a matter of languages: the language
factor is incidental. So a condominium could be monolingual. What is important
is its international legal status.
In the case of New
Hebrides, four months before Britain and France granted independence, a senior
citizen of the English Sector, Stephen Maleku, unilaterally proclaimed a
separate independence for the English Sector. (He wanted the territory to
achieve independence, then become a confederation of two states. As Stephen put
Britain and France before a fait accompli, while Britain was still reflecting
on the issue, France hurriedly sent 400 gendarmes from La Nouvelle – Caledonie,
a nearby French colony, to occupy Port - Vila, the capital of New Hebrides and
forcefully stopped Stephen's move. Britain bitterly complained to France,
saying that by opting unilaterally for a military solution for the
condominium's problem, France had instead complicated the situation as Moleku's
move for separate independence was based on the brutality of the French
administration.
La Republique du
Cameroun cannot even pass through a legal status of a condominium to annex the
Southern Cameroons since such locus standi does not exist. La Republique du
Cameroun has been arguing verbally and very emotionally on a non - existing
condominium. The 1961 plebiscite and the fake bilingualism crudely imposed on
both La Republique du Cameroun and the Southern Cameroons do not make the two
countries a condominium because condominium is a matter of international law.
And not that of
Anglo-Saxon + Greco - Latin linguistics. La Republique du Cameroun has been
brandishing its de facto bilingual condominium at home but at the same time
brandishing itself as a monolingual francophone unitary state at the
international level. On one hand La Republique du Cameroun is imposing a de
facto Anglo – French condominium on two neighbouring former UN Trust
Territories with separate Trusteeship Agreements, and on the other hand
imposing a unitary state on an illegal defunct two-state federation. This is
blatant dubious contradiction!
SECTION 11
The Administration of La Republique du Cameroun in the
Southern Cameroons since 1st October 1961
According to La
Republique du Cameroun, the constitutional amendment made on 6 August 1961 on
la constitution de la Republique du Cameroun du premier janvier 1960, was meant
to accommodate the Southern Cameroons as the western part of German Kamerun. We
now know all about the German colony of Kamerun from the preceding legal
analyses. The Constitutional Amendment of Yves Bie'ville, the French jurist who
drafted the constitution of 4 March 1960, was a mockery of international law,
the international community, and the United Nations. The amended constitution
could in no way become a Treaty of Union in international law as prescribed by
UNGAR 1608 (XV) of 21 April 1961.
On the grounds of the
amended constitution, la Republique du Cameroun moved its troops and
administration into the Southern Cameroons on 1st October 1961 and has since
been ruling the Southern Cameroons in the same brutal manner in which France
ruled its portion of the divided German Kamerun. The administration of la
Republique du Cameroun in the Southern Cameroons is null and void ab initio: it
is illegitimate and illegal. It is a civil – cum military administration. The
cardinal legal principle, tantum appelatum, quantum revelatum, meaning that the
judge of the Appeal Court cannot have the right in a civil matter to grant more
than it was requested by the Magistrate Court.
The principle does
not apply between the Southern Cameroons and la Republique du Cameroun because
la Republique du Cameroun has no right to belittle the Southern Cameroons as
its province, as if la Republique du Cameroun is the alter ego of the Southern
Cameroons. This is because the international status of the Southern Cameroons
under the League of Nations, then under the U.N.O., cannot be changed.
La Republique du
Cameroun has no right to judge positively or negatively the results of the 1961
plebiscite and use that to annex the Southern Cameroons because nemo crime sine
legi – there is no crime (offence) without a text of law which defines and
punishes the incriminating act. So by voting, and voting YES in the plebiscite,
the Southern Cameroons did not commit an offence punishable by La Republique du
Cameroun by annexation as penal punishment.
La Republique du
Cameroun has been benefiting enormously from the annexation of the Southern
Cameroons in violation of the Latin legal principle nemo nudutur propriam
turpitudi – nobody should benefit in any way whatsoever from a crime he has
committed. La Republique du Cameroun has been arguing that the Southern
Cameroons has no utis possedetis juris on 1st October 1961; that the Southern
Cameroons was an empty piece of land that La Republique du Cameroun annexed to
civilise and develop.
The argument has no
legal basis because the Southern Cameroons had utis possedetis juris -
international legal status publicly recognised. As a UN Trust Territory the
Southern Cameroons had utis possedetis juris by the Mandate of the League of
Nations, and by the UN Trusteeship Agreement.
In addition, the
Southern Cameroons was jointly administered with the Eastern Region of Nigeria
within the international legal framework of UNGA Resolution 224 – 111 on the
Administrative Union between adjacent territories under the same Administering
Authority. There is no modification of international boundaries between States
by domestic or internal law. The constitution of a state being a fundamental
internal law, la Republique du Cameroun cannot legally justify how it modified
its international boundaries, as we have demonstrated earlier, with the
Southern Cameroons for its own benefits.
The peoples of the
Southern Cameroons, in their daily life, accept all acts of constitutional law,
civil law, criminal law, and administrative law imposed on them by La
Republique du Cameroun as Actes of bienseance, that means, Acts which one does
not like, but toterates them in order to survive.
SECTION 12
The International Legal Status of the Southern Cameroons
since 1st October 1961 to date
La Republique du
Cameroun started to govern the Southern Cameroons from 1st October 1961 when
the Treaty of Union had not yet been worked out as prescribed by UNGA
Resolution 1608 –(XV) of 21 April 1961. The international legal situation in
the Southern Cameroons on 1st October 1961 was that, without a Treaty of Union,
the Southern Cameroons smoothly moved backwards from the status of a UN Trust
Territory it had from 12 December 1946 till 1st October 1961, to the status of
a UN Territory the Southern Cameroons had on 11 December 1946. In between the
adoption of the UN Resolution 63 – 111 that created the UN Trusteeship Council,
and subsequently appointed Britain as the Administering Authority for the
Southern Cameroons, and the signing of the Trusteeship Agreement No Document A
/ 152 / REV2 for the Southern Cameroons between the UN and Britain on that same
date 13 December 1946.
The formation of the
UN Trusteeship Council having abrogated the Mandates System of the League of
Nations of 1922 (and) the Trusteeship Agreement for the Southern Cameroons
therefore replaced the Mandate Britain had on the Southern Cameroons from 1922
till 13 December 1946. The situation, simplified, is that on 1st October 1961,
the Southern Cameroons had not been granted any independence, neither according
to Article 47 paragraph B of the Charter of the United Nations, nor according
to UNGA Resolution 1608 –(XV) in the 994th plenary session on 21 April 1961
which granted independence by joining whose international legal Treaty for the
projected Union had not been worked out on the date fixed for independence (1st
October 1961).
So, through a
cool-minded legal analysis, one can understand that since 1st October 1961, La
Republique du Cameroun has been forcefully occupying and governing a UN
Territory. The difference between a UN Trust Territory and a UN Territory is
that a UN Trust Territory is governed by an independent and sovereign State
according to a contract or mandate signed between the country and the UN;
whereas a UN Territory is directly governed by the UN through its permanent
representative it appoints to the Territory. The UN representative should in no
way be a native of that territory: He / she is called, the UN Administrator,
governor. As the Administering Authority, the UN Administrator governs the
territory in preparation for independence.
SECTION 13
The Way to Independence for the Southern Cameroons
1) The way to
Independence for the Southern Cameroons is in the hands of the UN. The UN
should follow the same path it took to grant independence to other UN
territories. It must be noted that the Southern Cameroons is a particular UN
Territory as it had been annexed by La Republique du Cameroun and France
through an orthodox independence-by-joining that the UN granted the Southern
Cameroons in 1961.
The Southern
Cameroons today is in the same situation as the three Baltic States (Estonia –
Lestonia – Lithuania). Let it be recalled that the latter three states were
granted independence by the League of Nations, and the independence was later
suppressed by the Soviet Union which then annexed them on the grounds that as
small neighbouring states, it was their weakness that allowed the German troops
to crush them very easily and then crossed their international boundary with
the Soviet Union into St. Petersburg. But with Glassnok and perestroika brought
by Mikail Gorbatchov, the latter states regained their lost independence
through the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation (UNPO) and the UN.
2) Another way out
for the Southern Cameroons is that the UN may simply implement the UNGA
Resolution 1514 – (XIV) of 14 December 1960 on the Granting of Independence to
Colonial Territories and Peoples.
Southern Cameroon
Free State
Southern Cameroon Stamps
FFSA
Federation of the Free States of Africa
MENU - INDEX
Contact
Secretary General
Mangovo Ngoyo
Email: africa.federation@gmail.com
www.africafederation.net
http://www.southerncameroons.org/
The area of the Southern Cameroons in Africa has a rich and
fruitful history. The actual area that it is in is in the western portion of
the African continent. The actual area dates back to the 16th century. The
actual feeling of the area as its own entity did not come about until the early
20th century.
As far as the geographical location is concerned, this area
lies east and south of Nigeria and west of the Federal Republic Republic of
Cameroon. The Mungo River also lies within the eastern boundaries of the area.
The other nearby body of water is the Atlantic Ocean which lies to the
country's south. Because of the general location of the Southern Cameroons they
have been under the watchful eye of the Nigerian nation.
Since there is such diversity in the region, the idea of
religion is also just as diverse. The religion ranges from the traditional
ritualistic religion to the Christian and Islamic faiths. The ritualistic
traditions are very spiritual. They actually believe that there may be a higher
being watching them throughout their daily lives. There are also certain
festivities and events that are backed but the traditional religion.
Sports throughout the area have also come along way. While
the solo sports have not developed much in the area, the group sporting events
have come a very long way. Soccer as a team sport has evolved a great deal.
There are now competitions among the states in the Southern Cameroons. One
other worldwide known sporting events of the area is the Buea Mountain race in
which people come from all over the world to run.
The education in the area is geared toward the future of the
students in various aspects. The main focus is training for the future areas in
which the student will work in. There are apprenticeships that are set forth in
order to provide the proper training. The amount of time spent in the
apprenticeships depends solely on the activity in which they are being trained
in. Very few make it to the university level of education. When they do make it
they are highly regarded.
The culture of the Southern Cameroons is rich in tradition.
Although there have been various European influences that have come up in its
history a majority of the people have tried to stay as true to their traditions
as possible. The ritualistic traditions as well as the religions have changed
over time but have found a way to come back into the everyday life. People of
Southern Cameroons keep rituals and tradition as the one thing that remains
unchanged in a truly developing world.
Southern Cameroons: ID Cards And Currency To Be Introduced
The Southern Cameroons National Council has announced plans
to introduce identity cards, currency and treasury bills in the region and to
sign a petition against the 'illegal occupation and colonisation' of their
territory by Cameroon.
Below is an article published in Punch Nigeria:
The Southern Cameroons National Council has announced plans
to introduce identity cards, currency and treasury bills for Bakassi and other
areas in the two formerly British-administered regions of Northwest and
Southwest regions.
SCNC coordinator for the Centre Region, Maxwell Oben, told
Africa Review magazine that more than 10,000 people across the English-speaking
Northwest and Southwest Regions commonly known as Southern Cameroons now
possess the ID cards.
He said the movement was also seeking 50,000 signatures to
back a petition it plans to lodge at the United Nations against the "illegal
occupation and colonisation" of the formerly British-administered Southern
Cameroons by the French-speaking Cameroon.
More than 6.000 signatories have already backed the appeal
and more are still doing so, Oben says.
The SCNC is also said to be planning to introduce a
currency– Ramson or Rams – for the territory. Treasury bonds that will be
exchanged for the currency "once sovereignty is attained" are already in
circulation, the activist says.
There are also plans to set up broadcast media to whip up
popular support, according to the activist.
The Efik in Cross river State (Sout South Nigeria) are one
of the groups that inhabit Bakassi, an oil rich peninsula Nigeria and Cameroon
contested for over 20 years but was finally ceded to Cameroon in a 2002
International Court of Justice ruling.
The group had been resettled inland in Cross River State
after the ruling but complained that they could not get an alternative
livelihood to fishing.
Their resolve followed Nigeria's decision to shelve calls to
review the ICJ ruling before an October 10, 2012 deadline.
http://www.ngrguardiannews.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=113196:southern-cameroons-seeks-implementation-of-verdict-on-self-determination&catid=1:national&Itemid=559
THE citizens of Southern Cameroons, through their counsel,
Okoi Obono-Obla, have written to Nigeria's Attorney General of the Federation
and Minister of Justice, Mohammed Bello Adoke (SAN), urging the Federal
Government to immediately comply with the Consent Judgment in Suit No.
FHC/ABJ/CS/30/2002 of March 25, 2002, delivered by the former Chief Judge of
the Federal High Court, Justice Roseline Ukeje, which was in their favour.
The peoples of Southern Cameroons, represented by Dr. Kevin
Ngwang Gumni, Augustine Feh Ndangam, Chief Ette Otun Ayamba, Prof. Victor
Mlkwele Ngoi, Dr. Martin Ngeka, Nfot Ngala Nfor, Hitler Mbinglo, Dogbima Henry,
K Mundam, Simon Ninpa, Shey Tafon, Paul Yiwir and Isaac Sona, had sued the
Federal Government of Nigeria at the Federal High Court, Abuja.
In the suit, the plaintiffs, through their originating summons,
urged the court to determine whether the Union envisaged under the Southern
Cameroon Plebiscite 1961 between La Republique du Cameroun and Southern
Cameroons legally took effect as contemplated by the relevant United Nations
Resolutions, particularly the United Nations General Assembly Resolution 1352
(XIV) of October 16, 1959, and United Nations Trusteeship Council Resolution
2013 (XXIV) of May 31, 1960.
They also want the court to determine whether the
termination by the Government of the United Kingdom of its trusteeship over the
Southern Cameroon on September 30, 1961, without ensuring prior implementation
of the constitutional arrangements under which the Southern Cameroons and La
Republique du Cameroun were to unite as one federal state, was not in breach of
Articles 3 and 6 of the Trusteeship Agreement for the Territory of the
Cameroons under British administration as approved by the United Nations
General Assembly on December 13, 1946, the United Nations General Assembly
Resolutions 1352 of October 16, 1959, 1608 of April 2, 1961, the United Nations
Trusteeship Council Resolution 2013 (XIV) of May 31, 1960, and Article 76 (b)
of the Charter of the United Nations.
The Southern Cameroons also wants the court to determine
whether the assumption of sovereign powers on October 1, 1961, and the
continued exercise of same by the government of La Republique du Cameroun over
Southern Cameroon after the termination by the government of the United Kingdom
of its trusteeship over the territory was legal and valid when the union
between Southern Cameroons and La Republique du Cameroun contemplated by the
Southern Cameroon Plebiscite 1961 had not legally taken effect.
Other issues the plaintiffs want the court to resolve in the
suit include: Whether the peoples of Southern Cameroons are not entitled to
self-determination within their clearly defined territory separate from La
Republique du Cameroun, and whether it is the Southern Cameroons and not La
Republique du Cameroun that shares a maritime boundary with the Federal
Republic of Nigeria?
But the Federal Government of Nigeria then sued for an
out-of-court settlement, which led to the delivery of the consent judgment
dated March 25, 2002, based on the agreement reached by the parties.
The consent judgment directed the Federal Republic of
Nigeria to take any measure, as may be necessary, to place the case of the
peoples of the geographical entity known as at October 1, 1960, as Southern
Cameroons, for self determination before the United Nations General Assembly
and any other relevant international organisation.
However, after waiting in vain for the implementation of the
verdict, the Southern Cameroons, in the letter dated January 27, 2013, and
served on the Attorney General on February 8, 2013, urged the Federal
Government of Nigeria, in the spirit of respect and adherence to the Rule of
Law and Constitutionalism - especially the authority and integrity of the
judicial branch of government - to take immediate steps to ensure compliance by
the Federal Government of Nigeria with the terms/directives contained in the
said consent judgment/order.
http://www.unpo.org/members/7915
http://www.unpo.org/
Cameroons
STATISTICS
Status: Occupied & unrecognized territory
Population: +/- 6 million
Areas: 43.000 km2
Language: English
Religion: Christian
UNPO REPRESENTATION: Southern Cameroons National Council
Southern Cameroons membership on UNPO is represented by
Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC).
OVERVIEW
GEOGRAPHY
Southern Cameroons is the territory bounded to the west and
north west by Nigeria, east by La Republique du Cameroun and south by the
Atlantic Ocean.
POPULATION
The population of Southern Cameroons is above five million
inhabitants.
ECONOMY
All without exception depended on nature and the land to
earn a living. In the coastal region farming, fishing and hunting denominated
the life of the inhabitants. Blessed with abundant fertile soil, farm work is
not as irksome and intensive to have a heavy yield. From the forest they had
abundant wood to build their simple houses which were roofed with palm fronts.
In the grassland region with poor fertility the people had to work a large
expanse of land to have a reasonable harvest. They also have a large variety of
food crops grown at different times of the year. Primary occupation is farming
and hunting but little fishing for want of large rivers or lakes. This culture
of handwork has been so rewarding to the men and women of the Grassland region
who happen to migrate to the Coastal or Forest region to work in the
plantations. They easily acquired land for food crops production. This has not
only introduced the food dishes of the Grassland or Graffie, but also made some
of the wealthy land owners to the envy of some indigenes.
POLITICAL SITUATION
In the coastal
region, the ethnic groups did not establish a strong central authority as is
the case in the grassland region. Family elders constituted Council of Elders
that met periodically to resolve matters affecting the inhabitants. In the
Grassland region social and political setting is far more organised. The Fons
and Ta Nfors are the centre of authority. In pre-colonial time they wielded
great authority over their subjects. As an annexed, colonised and occupied
territory, the Southern Cameroons has no political system that is a true
reflection of the legitimate aspirations of the people. The annexationist
Yaounde regime has imposed its rigid centralised system, which is
characteristically insensitive to the feelings of Southern Cameroonians.
To make Southern Cameroons a real colony and an appendage of
Yaounde, in 1972, the Southern Cameroons government was abrogated and the
territory was divided into two provinces of La Republique du Cameroun. The two
provinces are governed by two governors appointed by Presidential Decrees and
as representatives of the President, each is accountable and responsible to the
President himself. The two governors, Koumpa Issa, for the North West, and
Ejake Mbonda, for the South West, are all francophone Camerounese. Although
Southern Cameroonians fought hard, lost lives, limbs and enormous property to
bring about multiparty democracy under which they were nurtured by the British,
with the backing of France, the currently existing two hundred political
parties are not worth more than the paper on which they are registered. Most of
these mushroom political parties are sponsored by the ruling Rassemblement
Democratique du Peuples Camerounaise (RDPC). Southern Cameroonians are fit only
for sinecure posts and this explains why Ni John Fru Ndi, a Cameroonian of the
Social Democratic Font (SDF) who won the October 1992 Presidential Elections,
was denied the right to take over as President of the two Cameroons.
Determined to keep Southern Cameroons a colony of La
Republique du Cameroun, genuine democracy has been blocked by sophisticated
rigging mechanism styled "democratie avancée" to leave the people who fervently
believe in democracy, the rule of law and human freedom under an unwanted
government. Prior to annexation, Southern Cameroons as a trust territory under
United Kingdom administration, inherited the Westminster Parliamentary system.
Southern Cameroons became a self-governing trust territory in 1954 under a
democratically elected government led by Dr EML Endeley. With a genuine
democratic and constitutional evolution, in 1957, Southern Cameroons was
granted a House of Chiefs, thus like Britain, Southern Cameroons
operated a bicameral
legislative system.
In 1959 through free and fair general elections, Premier
Endeley led CPNC government was defeated and he peacefully handed over to the
winner, J.N. Foncha of the KNDP. This was followed by the adoption of a new
constitution, Constitution (Order) in Council 1960, which was meant to lead
Southern Cameroons to independence. But through international colonial
conspiracy, instead of granting complete independence in conformity with Art.
76(b) of UN Charter and UN Resolution 1514 of 1960, the colonial powers misled
the UN to impose "independence by joining" either Nigeria or La Republique du
Cameroun. In addition to imposing this, the UN was led to adopt two obnoxious
questions that denied Southern Cameroons their inalienable right to
self-determination
and sovereign independence.
UNPO MEMBER PERSPECTIVE
The mission of the Southern Cameroons National Council
(SCNC) is to right the wrongs of yesterday, restore Southern Cameroonians to
the dignity, their natural rights as the legitimate owners and masters of the
Southern Cameroons territory, masters of their destiny by peacefully leading
Southern Cameroons to take her deserved seat within the community of sovereign
nations. Southern Cameroons is currently a colony of La Republique du Cameroun
and in consideration of the fact that the modern world has banned colonialism,
Southern Cameroonians are legitimately entitled to international support to
oust the coloniser, namely, La Republique du Cameroun. It was in recognition
and defense of the enjoyment of this inalienable right of all peoples that
classical colonialism, foreign domination and the abolition of apartheid took
place. Southern Cameroons, the only UN Trust territory abandoned to its fate,
has been annexed, colonised and occupied by La Republique du Cameroun. It is a
victim of classical colonialism and foreign domination and should be
decolonised under international law and should receive international support.
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
EARLY HISTORY
The territory of Southern Cameroon has been subjected to
different colonial experiences - she experienced German domination, British
domination, and domination of La Republique du Cameroun. Southern Cameroons as
part of German Kamerun
Between 1885 and 1916, Southern Cameroons was part of German
Cameroon (Kamerun). German Kamerun ceased to exist with the end of World War I
and the Peace Treaty of Versailles that gave birth to the League of Nations.
British Southern Cameroons
As a result of the First World War, which pitched the
Germans against the British and French in Cameroon, the Germans were defeated
and ousted from the territory. As a result of the German defeat, the British
and French attempted a joint administration of the territory, which failed.
Consequently, the territory was partitioned by both powers. Hence, the British
took one-fifth and the French took four-fifth of the territory.
From the nature of the partition, the seed of the Southern
Cameroons problem began, namely, the minority problem. In order to conveniently
administer their own portion of Cameroon as a mandate territory of the League
of Nations, the British administered it as an integral part of Nigeria. To
better do this, they further split the territory into Northern Cameroons and
Southern Cameroons. Since the British did not consider the territory as viable,
they did very little as concerns social and economic development of the
territory. This caused the Southern Cameroons to be against the British mandate
in the territory.
The British first administered Southern Cameroons as part of
the Southern Province of Nigeria, whose headquarters was in Lagos and later;
under the Eastern Region of Nigeria, when Nigeria was divided into three
regions, namely, Northern, Western and Eastern. Therefore, Southern Cameroons
was administered from Enugu, which was the headquarters of the Eastern Region.
Under the Eastern Region, she suffered what was known as the Ibo domination.
The Ibo established their hegemony over Southern Cameroons and caused them to
be further frustrated by foreign domination. However, it was during this period
that the first parliamentary elections were organised in the territory to
choose representatives to the Eastern Regional House of Assembly and Federal
House in Lagos.
RECENT HISTORY
Following discrimination they faced as a minority group in
the assembly, they walked out in protest and declared Benevolent Neutrality in
Nigerian politics. This led to the holding of the first Southern Cameroons
Conference in Mamfe in 1953. This Conference adopted a petition addressed to
the United Kingdom Government that demanded for a separate regional status in
conformity with Southern Cameroons' status as a UN Trust territory. It was from
here that Southern Cameroons nationalism began. This political action yielded
the desired results.
When in 1954 Southern Cameroons achieved self-governing
status, with Dr EML Endeley as first Premier, its nationalism took a
multi-facet nature. Some of its leaders thought that this was a progress that
was to lead them to regional autonomy and therefore opted for integration into
Nigeria. Some as a result of the experience they received as a colony under
another colony, namely, Nigeria, opted for independence. Some as a result of
nostalgia and influence from French Cameroun opted for unification with French
Cameroun. Unable to come to a consensus, the UN, which became the supervisory
authority of the former mandate territories, including British Cameroons
imposed two options on them. The options were: whether they would like to
achieve independence by reunifying with French Cameroon which as a result of
their independence on January 1st, 1960 became La Republique du Cameroun or
integrating with Nigeria which was already given independence too. Prior to the
plebiscite, in 1959, Southern Cameroons organised democratic elections for a
third time and effected the first peaceful and democratic transfer of power in
the 20th Century Africa.
In this election, the incumbent Premier Dr E.M.L. Endeley
and his ruling party, the CPNC were defeated and he became leader of the
Opposition in the House of Assembly. Following the UN organised plebiscite of
February 11, 1961, which was organised on the same day separately for Southern
Cameroons and Northern Cameroons, Northern Cameroons voted for integration into
Nigeria and was thus integrated, while Southern Cameroons voted for unification
with French Cameroon and was thus reunified. This began the story of
unification of the two Cameroons united in a UN-sponsored federation of two
states of equal status known as the Federal Republic of Cameroon in October
1961.
Annexation of Southern Cameroons by La Republique du
Cameroun
The Foumban Constitutional Conference of 1961, which
federated Southern Cameroons with La Republique du Cameroun was not in line
with what the UN had envisaged. According to the UN such a conference was to
involve the governments of Southern Cameroons, La Republique du Cameroun,
United Kingdom as the Administering Authority, and the UN as the Supervisory
Authority. Unfortunately, it was held without some of these parties like the UN
and Britain. Again, there was no accord signed by the two parties that
discussed in Foumban. However, the Federal Republique of Cameroon that emerged
from the Foumban Talks, was made up of two federated states, namely, the State
of West Cameroon, made up of Southern Cameroons, and the State of East
Cameroon, made up of La Republique du Cameroun. Thus, the Southern Cameroons
and La Republique du Cameroun, respectively became sub nations of the
federation, with each retaining its inherited territory, colonial political and
administrative system, legal, educational, economic and cultural systems.
From 1962 to 1972, the former President of La Republique du
Cameroun, Ahmadou Ahidjo, who became the President of the Federal Republic,
took steps to annex Southern Cameroons into La Republique du Cameroun. On May
20th, 1972, he finally organised a referendum, which violated the Talks at
Foumban. He abolished the Federal Constitution and imposed Unitary
Constitution. Hence the name of the country became United Republic of Cameroon.
Southern Cameroons lost its autonomous status it enjoyed under the federal
system and became two of the seven provinces of the unitary state. When Paul
Biya became President of Cameroon, he completed the annexation by reverting the
name of the country to Republique du Cameroun, the name by which French
Cameroon gained its independence. This led to the emergence of Southern
Cameroons' liberation movements like the Ambazonia of Fon Gorgi Dinka
and Cameroon
Anglophone Movement (CAM) the climax of this was in 1993, when Southern
Cameroons liberation movements and Southern Cameroonians as a whole met in Buea
under the banner of the All Anglophone Conference (AAC I). Its aim was to
establish a Southern Cameroons stand and to press for the autonomy of Southern
Cameroons in a restored federal system. This firm stand is contained in the
Buea Declaration. Another meeting was held in Bamenda (AAC II) which issued the
Bamenda Proclamation. These declarations led to the formation of the Southern
Cameroons National Council (SCNC), which is a political organisation fighting
for the statehood and sovereign independence of Southern Cameroons.
Despite the obstacles placed on the road to statehood of
Southern Cameroons, like arrest, torture, killings, forcing its nationals into
exile, blackmail, misinformation, counter-acting their action and you can name
more, it has been succeeding. For instance, it has won the admissibility stage
of the case deposited against La Republique du Cameroun in the African
Commission on Human and Peoples Rights in Banjul; won a case against Nigeria,
which obliged Nigeria to table and support its bid for independence to the
international community and recently, it has been admitted as a new member of
the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation (UNPO) in The Hague.
CULTURE AND LANGUAGE
CULTURE
Prior to the advent of Europeans and colonialism, the
territory that today constitutes Southern Cameroons was not one geo-political
entity that could equally be designated as a cultural entity. It was inhabited
by different ethnic groups with different cultures, traditions and languages.
As they differed in origin and culturally, so did they differ in outlook,
aspirations and world view. Nothing held them together as one people. The
different ethnic groups with different indigenous political systems and
religions also differed from one another in their occupational activities and
socio-economic development. Thus there was a vast difference between the
peoples of the coastal region and those of the grassland, which difference is
not only visible in art, dance and economic life but also in social
organisation and social relationships. This means that one can rightly refer to
Southern Cameroons as a multi-cultural and multi-lingual political entity
carved by the ambitious colonial masters without any recourse to the
inhabitants. In the carving of their colonial empires these empire builders
mindful of their economic interests fractionalised some ethnic groups and even
families. This greatly contributed to the weakening of cultural ties and the
capacity to resist invasion by the empire builders. To build up one large
political entity, the colonial masters had to impose its political centralising
authority from above, undermining the cultural diversity below. For an
understanding of the rich cultural diversity the following ethnic groups can be
identified (from coast to the north).
RELIGION
The Southern Cameroonians are highly religious and have a
strong Christian belief. Regarding God to be unreachable directly, they worship
him through the super natural. They believe in the omnipresence, omnipotence
and omniscience of God so he cannot be confined to cathedrals and churches.
Ancestors are not worshiped for they do not create. But since the people
fervently believe in life after death, it is believed the dead, living in the
spiritual realm are closer to the creator so he is called upon to intercede on
behalf of the living. Here ancestors serve as mediators between God and the
living. Unfortunately the European missionaries, wishing not to learn and
understand, regarded this as ancestral worship. Individual importance was
measured not so much in what he has for himself but in contribution to the
community. Men of valour were recognised as heroes and their history conserved
in music, proverbs and as passed from generation to generation by word of
mouth.
COUNTRY ETHNIC GROUPS
Fako Bakweri, Mboko, Meme Bafaw, Bakundo, Balundu, Balong,
Kupe Manenguba Bakossi, Mbo, Bassosi, Ndian Ngolo, Batanga, Ekondokondo,
Lebialem Banwa, Nweh-Mundam, Wabane, Manyu Banyang, Kenyam, Ejagham, Boki,
Ayang, Momo Widikum broken into the Metta, Menemo, Ngie, Ngwo, Menkas, Mezam
Ngemba, Chamba, Menchum Aghem, Jebah,Mnen, Boyo Kom, Bum, Ngoketunjia Tikar
(fractionalised into small different language groups), Bui Nso, Oku, Noni,
Donga – Mantung Wimbum, Mfumte, Yamba, Mbembe of Jukunoid.
In summary the Grassland Region is peopled by the Tikar,
Widekum Ngemba, Hausa and Fulani. While the rest are geographically located,
the Hausa and Fulani, who are Moslems by religion, were the late comers into
this region and are thus scattered all over. Like all human societies,
irrespective of sophistication and technological development the
different ethnic
groups had their manner of organisation, settling disputes and managing their
affairs. All of these were greatly influenced by their backgrounds and
environments
http://www.scylforfreedom.org/
"Either we concentrate our energy for a serious and decisive
armed struggle to achieve our objective, or we will each fall one by one to the
blows of France's led brutal imperialism in its new and sinister form of
slavery call neo-colonialism against the African, specifically the Blackman.
They are at war with us – an open, cowardly and desperate offensive against
those who cherish and want freedom. Let us go to war against these men and
women who have impoverished our continent, bought and sold our people
into slavery,
used and dumped our youths, and now still continue to hold us in bondage as if
our pains and anguish they have caused are not enough. Let us go to war, not a
war of conquest or domination, but one of revolutionary liberation, a war
between the forces of tyranny and those of freedom. In this regard, we would be
fighting, not only in self defense and the protection of our humanity, but to
free ourselves and the countless generation of children yet unborn from the
scourge of the freedom of tyranny. Make no mistake for no one would do it for
us!".
The SCYL Liberation OATH: "The Southern Cameroons Must
Win this " War!" - Therefore: I will Work, I will Serve, I will Save,
I will Sacrifice, I will Endure, I will Fight Cheerfully, And do my utmost,
Even Unto Dealth, As if the issue of the whole Struggle depended on Me Alone.
So, HELP ME GOD!"
http://www.facebook.com/pages/SCNC-The-Southern-Cameroon-National-Council/145655312168312
SCNC - The Southern Cameroon National Council
February 8
UN Resolution 1608 and the Struggle for the Restoration of
British Southern Cameroons Statehood
Tuesday, 08 January
2013 17:03
Yaoundé and its
agents to dismiss the legitimacy and legality of the SCNC struggle to restore
the statehood of British Southern Cameroons and to forever keep the latter as
its footstool, have done everything possible to distort the history of a former
UN Trust territory with clearly defined and demarcated international
boundaries. With impunity some even question dismissively if British Southern
Cameroons ever stood on its own feet as if their la Republique du Cameroun has
ever. This is in the true nature of an imperial state. But truth is infinite.
And those who fight in defense of truth are makers of progressive history and
promoters of a better humanity. They are ever winners.
For your clear
understanding we will briefly examine this topic under the following sub heads;
1) UN Resolution 1608
of April 21, 1961, its import and what it stood to guard against.
2) Implication of no
implementation of this UN Resolution.
3) The political and
constitutional status of British Southern Cameroons at the material time of
1961.
UN Resolution 1608 XV
of April 21, 1961 was adopted by the UN General Assembly as a follow up of the
successful conduct of the UN sponsored plebiscite in British Southern
Cameroons. It was in recognition and defense of the distinctive identity of
this UN Trust territory under international law. As a follow up of the UN
plebiscite it was part and parcel of the UN conducted plebiscite. It was a
legal instrument by the World Body meant to complete the exercise or experiment
of bringing two distinct UN trust territories into a federal of equal status.
This UNGA Resolution above everything else testifies to the irrefutable fact
that the plebiscite, its shortcoming of limiting the people only to two choices
notwithstanding, was inconclusive. It offered the British Southern Cameroonians
only an opportunity to indicate their choice between Nigeria, and la Republique
du Cameroun. The plebiscite vote was only a promise to be translated into a
concrete act through mutual agreements based on fair negotiations.
It is instructive to
note that for this Resolution to pass the test tube of democracy, 64 Nations
voted FOR, 23 AGAINST, and 10 Abstained. La Republique du Cameroun, supported
by France and French-speaking Africa, except Mali mindful of its hidden agenda
of annexing this UN Trust territory, voted against. By voting against, they
still exercised their democratic rights.
If la Republique du
Cameroun voted against this important UN Resolution, which "unification" or
"reunification" do they talk about today? Why did la Republique reject forming
a federal of two equal states with British Southern Cameroons? Was it not
because of their hidden agenda of annexation, colonial occupation and
assimilation which they have faithfully implemented?
Inherent in this UN
Resolution was the promotion of the democratic principle of dialogue, equality
of states, big and small, and the promotion of international cooperation to
build world peace based on justice.
This UN Resolution in
concrete terms stood out to guard against any manner of annexation,
assimilation, imperial domination of smaller states by the big and powerful
states. To ensure that it was through consensus agreement and in fulfillment of
the UN Charter, negotiations were not left in the hands of the concerned
parties, namely, British Southern Cameroons, and la Republique du Cameroun, the
Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland as the
Administering Authority of British Southern Cameroons was included. Without
doubt since at the time British Southern Cameroons was not a distinct UN Member
state, it was the UK as the Administering Authority that was to report the
outcome of negotiations to the UNGA. Indeed, it was the UK that had the
political and constitutional duty of submitting the Agreement, in other words,
the Treaty of to the UN General Secretariat in fulfillment of Art. 102 of the
UN Charter.
For reasons unknown
to the leaders and people of British Southern Cameroons this all important UN
Resolution was never implemented. The UK never gave a report to the UN on the
implementation of Resolution 1608. This implies that conditions for the
formation of the UN envisioned federal of two distinct UN Trust territories to
form the FEDERAL UNITED CAMEROON REPUBLIC of two equal states were not
fulfilled.
It is equally
important we understand that in conformity with the spirit and letter of this
UNGA Resolution, there could never have been a formed with the two distinct
trust territories, without it being a federation of two states "EQUAL IN
STATUS".
At the material time
British Southern Cameroons was a self-governing trust territory founded on
Westminster parliamentary democracy. In October 1960 it adopted its own
constitution to usher it to independence. It had been declared ripe for
independence by the UK Representative to the UN and by Commissioner J.O Field
in his speech in 1958 during the Centenary celebration of the founding of the
seaport town of Victoria.
To terminate the
Trusteeship Agreement, it was necessary that the independence of the Southern
Cameroons be voted by the UN. Speaking before the vote was taken in the 4th
Committee of the UNGA, Mr Traore (UN Permanent Representative of Mali) said,
"If the Committee voted against the date of 1 October 1961, the Assembly would
be placed in an extremely difficult position, as it would have before it a
proposal requesting independence for Southern Cameroons but not specifying any
date".
Opposed to this Mr.
Okala (Foreign Minister of la Republique du Cameroun) "strongly protested
against a vote", which he regarded as "unconstitutional". Failing to obtain
wide support, he then declared "The delegation of Cameroun would not
participate in the vote and would withdraw —" (United Nations General Assembly,
XV Session, Official Records, Wednesday, 19 April 1961, New York, p.381).
Okala's, indeed la
Republique du Cameroun's opposition to the granting of independence by the UN
before the formation of the federal by the two states, was a clear pointer to
the effect that la Republique du Cameroun had already adopted a hidden agenda
for the annexation of Southern Cameroons. Here la Republique du Cameroun back
paddled on the pledge Mr. Ahmadou Ahidjo made at the UN in 1959 declaring that
they were "not annexationists." La Republique du Cameroun wanted the UN to hand
over Southern Cameroons to it for outright annexation and colonisation. But we
know that the UN is not an agent for the annexation of small weak states by
powerful states. The mission of the UN is to guarantee freedom for all peoples
and equality of all nations without which they can be no world democracy and
peace.
The date 1 October
1961 as Independence Day of Southern Cameroons was put to vote. It was
overwhelmingly approved by 50 "YES", 2 "NO" and 12 Abstentions by the powerful
4th Committee of the UN GA. 1st October 1961 was voted as Southern Cameroons
INDEPENDENCE DAY. A Trust territory accedes to independence upon termination of
trusteeship. To my mind it is only the UN that can testify as to whether
trusteeship in British Southern Cameroons was terminated on 1st October 1961 or
it was not.
As UNGA Resolution
1608 of April 21, 1961 was not implemented, it is conclusive that there was no
federal
Constitution debated
by the two distinct parliaments and signed into law by their respective elected
leaders and no
Act of signed to form
the Federal United Cameroon Republic by J.N. Foncha for the British Southern
Cameroons, and by
Ahmadou Ahidjo for la Republique du Cameroun. Some of our fathers for example,
J. N.
Foncha, S. T. Muna,
E. T.Egbe, among others, have stated clearly that no legal instrument exists
binding Southern
Cameroons and la
Republique du Cameroun together. The idea of Southern Cameroons signing a blank
cheque
(which some lackeys
defend cannot be revoked) does not therefore arise.
The current struggle
is to restore the one and indivisible British Southern Cameroons that has been
annexed and colonially occupied by the one and indivisible la Republique du
Cameroun, that is, le Camerounaise française which attained
independence from France
on January 1st 1960. The will of the people is supreme.
by NFOR, NGALA NFOR
10 June 2010 Secretary-General
SG/SM/12951/Rev.1*
AFR/1993/Rev.1*
Department of Public Information • News and Media Division •
New York
Secretary-General, Addressing Cameroon National Assembly,
Calls for Political
Will Needed to Help Africa Meet Millennium Development Goals
Following are UN Secretary-General Ban-Ki moon's remarks to
the National Assembly of Cameroon, in Yaoundé today, 10 June:
Thank you for your warm welcome and for the productive
meetings we have had on a wide range of topics.
Wherever I go in the world, I also try to visit lawmakers. I seek out
the parliaments of the world. Parliaments make the laws. They
express the diversity of any nation.
Before I begin my speech, allow me, Mr. President of the
National Assembly, to tell you how saddened I am by the disappearance this very
day of His Excellency Ferdinand Leopold Oyono, former minister, renowned
author, and former Permanent Representative of Cameroon to the United Nations
in New York. I convey to his family, and
to the Government and people of Cameroon, my most sincere condolences.
That diversity is especially evident here in Cameroon — "
Africa in miniature" — thanks to your rich ethnic, linguistic, geographical and
religious diversity. It is through
parliaments that the people's voices are heard.
And those voices, together, become the voice of any robust democracy.
It is a privilege to be here at this moment. This year, you celebrate
50 years of
independence. Fifty years of Africa's
growing presence on the international stage.
We have seen it in the field of politics, peace and security. And,
this month, we will see it on another
field of play. The World Cup will
showcase Africa.
Bafana Bafana, the host country team of South Africa. Les Fennecs
from Algeria. Côte d'Ivoire's Elephants and the Black Stars
of Ghana. Nigeria's Super Eagles. And, of course, the Indomitable Lions.
Allow me to congratulate four of the Lions for their good
services. Each of them is a Goodwill
Ambassador for the Millennium development Goals: the captain Samuel
Eto'o, Junior; Alexandre
Song; Rigobert Song; and Idriss Carlos Kameni.
They are ambassadors of whom Cameroon can be proud.
Tomorrow I fly to Johannesburg for the opening game. I do not claim
to be a sports expert. But I can let you in on a secret. I already
know the winner of the World
Cup. The real victor will be
Africa. I am so excited to be on the
continent. To experience the pride. To feel the energy. To tap into
the hope. To look forward together.
Today, I would like to focus on the opportunities and
obligations I see ahead; both the promises to Africa, and the promise of
Africa.
The United Nations relationship with Cameroon is as old as
the Organization itself. Cameroon joined
the United Nations 50 years ago, but our bonds stretch back to 1946 and the
United Nations Trusteeship Council.
Through the years, our partnership has grown. Today, Cameroon is a
generous contributor to
United Nations peace operations. More
than 130 of Cameroon's finest are serving as police officers from Burundi to
Côte d'Ivoire, from Sudan to Haiti.
Cameroon is host to 100,000 refugees, many from the Central
African Republic. And together with
Nigeria, Cameroon has provided the world with a model for the peaceful
resolution of disputes. Both countries
have committed to the 2002 ruling of the International Court of Justice, as
well as the 2006 Greentree Agreement, on the settlement of their border
dispute.
Your leadership has shown that, with the support of the
United Nations, peace and common understanding can prevail. Your
significant investment in the Bakassi
peninsula is testament to your determination.
The United Nations stands ready to offer its full support as you
consolidate peace and strengthen cooperation in the region.
Cameroon is also helping to show the world that the
Millennium Development Goals are within reach.
You have made significant progress in reducing extreme poverty. You
are working to make sure every child is
in primary school. Some may call
progress like this a miracle. But there
is nothing miraculous about it.
It is the result of one simple truth: That is, where we try, we
succeed. When we don't try, we fail. I saw the same today in
Mbalmayo. I met women being empowered to help
themselves and others; a community radio station that is helping to lift a
whole community; and a water project that is providing a sound foundation for
health.
What I saw today showed what can be achieved when partners
take comprehensive and coherent action; when partners stand together against
poverty, hunger and disease. I will take
these lessons to the G-20 summit in Canada in July and the Millennium
Development Goals Summit in September in New York.
The message is simple.
Africa can achieve the Millennium Development Goals. Africa has
boundless potential, amazing human
and material wealth, 1 billion people, more than half of whom are under the age
of 30. As I see it, delivering for the
people of Africa is a matter of commitment.
Africa's people need neither pity nor charity. They need only the
tools to create jobs and
generate incomes.
Developed countries should make good on promises to double
aid to Africa, promises made repeatedly at summit meetings of the G-8 and G-20
and at the United Nations. There must
also be more room for free trade.
Africa's products should not be priced out of markets by heavy import
taxes.
Africa's farmers should not have to run up against unfair
agricultural subsidies. Africa's
Governments must be empowered to scale up investments in agriculture, water,
education, health and infrastructure. At
September's Millennium Development Goals Summit, I will call on Governments to
develop a results-oriented action plan, with concrete steps and timelines.
As the Cameroonian proverb teaches us: "A chattering bird
builds no nest." We need less talk, more
action. That is why we will showcase
success stories, scale them up, create partnerships that will allow us to do
even more. Africa needs true
partnership, partnerships where donors listen to recipients and tailor their
assistance to Africa's needs.
Maternal health is the Millennium Development Goal where we
have lagged furthest behind. Yet if we
can succeed here, we will touch off a virtuous "ripple effect" through all the
Goals. We need to combine the efforts of
donors and recipients with private sector and civil society
initiatives. This week, I announced a plan in Washington,
D.C., that does just that.
Before I came here, I attended a big international
conference titled "Women Deliver".
There, with a United Nations initiative, we adopted a Joint Action Plan
to help women and girls from dying needlessly of diseases, from complications
of pregnancies, and from preventable diseases.
One woman dies every minute.
Two children die every minute.
That is just unacceptable. That
is social injustice, political and moral injustice. We must prevent
it. I have asked for $15 million by next year and
$45 million additional by 2015 to help the capacity-building to prevent this
maternal mortality and child mortality.
We know that climate change is a threat to development, a
threat to stability and a particular threat to Africa. Cameroon and
other members of the Lake Chad
Basin Commission have voiced valid and legitimate concerns over the dramatic
decrease in water levels of this vital source.
Africa needs help in reducing its vulnerability. Last year's
Copenhagen Climate Conference marked
a significant step forward in a number of areas: a goal of limiting global
temperature rise to within 2° C by 2050; mitigation actions by all countries;
progress on addressing deforestation and forest degradation; funding for
developing countries for adaptation and mitigation.
My High-Level Advisory Group on Climate Change Financing is
working to mobilize new and innovative public and private funding to reach our
annual $100 billion target by 2020. This
funding will support mitigation and adaptation strategies in developing
countries. It will help countries like
Cameroon to reach the Millennium Development Goals.
I have spoken about the developed world's responsibilities
in keeping the Millennium promise. But
Africa, too, has a promise to keep. Sustainable
development can only be built on the firm bedrock of peace and good governance.
Over recent years, Africa has moved steadily from a
principle of "non-interference" in one another's affairs towards a new and more
modern principle of "non-indifference".
We must keep and build on this momentum.
The organization of peaceful, credible and transparent
elections is critical. We cannot allow
the will of the people to be thwarted by electoral fraud. We cannot
accept unconstitutional changes of
Government. We cannot permit endless
manipulations of the law to preserve the privileges of those in power.
We cannot turn a blind eye to corruption,
nepotism and tyranny.
Nor can we stay quiet when people are denied fundamental
rights. Without durable peace there will
be no sustained development. Without
sustained development, Africa will not attain the Millennium Development
Goals. And without achieving the
Millennium Development Goals, Africa will not find the promise and prosperity
that its people so richly deserve.
The United Nations is your partner — as mediator,
peacekeeper and peacebuilder. Only by
living together as good neighbours — as individuals, as communities and as
nations — can we fulfil the promise of the United Nations Charter. In
this pursuit, I assure you, the United
Nations will always be your ally.
For peace and security, for development and human rights,
the United Nations will be with you every step of the way.
Thank you for this honour.
And thank you for your commitment to the important work ahead.
* *** *
__________
* Reissued to
reflect remarks as delivered.
For information media • not an official record
Preventive Diplomacy at the United Nations
By Bertrand G. Ramcharan
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A view of the Security Council chamber during the first-ever
summit-level meeting on 31 January 1992. UN PHOTO/MILTON GRANT
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has given courageous
leadership on the issue of global climate change that would be put into the
category of preventive diplomacy.
The idea of preventive diplomacy has captivated the United
Nations ever since it was first articulated by Secretary-General Dag
Hammarskjöld nearly half a century ago. Preventive diplomacy was presaged by
Article 99 of the United Nations Charter, which allowed the Secretary-General
to bring to the Security Council's attention threats to international peace and
security. From the outset of the United Nations, Secretary-General Trygve Lie
used the competence under this Article to gather information about situations,
to establish contacts with those concerned, to send emissaries to look closely
at situations, and to do whatever he could to head off or contain crises of
international concern.
Secretary-General Dag
Hammarskjöld knew that the United Nations could do little where there was a
direct clash of interests between the superpowers during the Cold War. But he
had in mind that, if the opportunity presented itself, he might be able to head
off disputes between lesser powers and prevent them from the gravitational pull
of the superpowers contest. Hammarskjöld put down markers on the practice of
preventive diplomacy that are still very much in use today. He would decide if
his efforts might be useful. Judgment was always involved; there was no
automaticity about his involvement. He used representatives, whom he sent out
on special missions or outposted in particular situations. He had in mind the
deployment of a ring of representatives around the world.
Secretary-General U
Thant moved Hammarskjöld's vision forward. His role in preventing a nuclear
confrontation over the Cuban Missile Crisis must rank as the most spectacular
example of preventive diplomacy in the annals of the United Nations. The UN
archives contain dramatic materials on his efforts. I will revert to this
later.
Secretary-General
Kurt Waldheim continued the practice of preventive diplomacy. He had his
successes in the border disputes between Iran and Iraq in the 1960s. He
resorted to appeals in dangerous situations such as the 1973 Arab-Israeli War.
He acted speedily in dispatching UN peacekeepers to contain and control that
situation and was praised for his efforts.
Secretary-General
Javier Pérez de Cuéllar acted successfully when he sent a discreet fact-finding
mission to Bulgaria and Turkey in 1989 to help head off the deterioration of a
dispute between the two countries. He called for the maintenance of a
comprehensive global watch over threats to human security and welfare, and
established a unit within the Office of the Secretary-General dedicated to the
collection and analysis of information intended to help the Secretary-General
provide alerts to the Security Council over situations that could threaten or
breach international peace and security.
Secretary-General
Boutros Boutros-Ghali took over shortly after the end of the Cold War when
there were hopes of a new world order. In January 1992, the first-ever summit
meeting of the Security Council requested a report from him on the future role
of the United Nations in conflict prevention, peacemaking, and peacekeeping,
which led him to submit the widely-acclaimed An Agenda for Peace. Boutros-Ghali
practiced preventive diplomacy in cases such as the war between Eritrea and
Yemen, and he supported the establishment of the first ever preventive
deployment of UN peacekeepers in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.
Secretary-General
Kofi Annan furthered the work of his predecessors and submitted three reports
on the topic. He exercised preventive diplomacy successfully in the border
conflict between Cameroon and Nigeria over the Bakassi Peninsula.
Current
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has taken forward the practice of preventive
diplomacy at the UN, and has given courageous leadership on the issue of global
¬climate change that would be put into the category of preventive diplomacy. He
has also submitted reports to the General Assembly on preventive diplomacy.
U THANT'S PREVENTIVE DIPLOMACY DURING THE CUBAN MISSILE
CRISIS
Historians
acknowledge that the Cuban Missile Crisis was the most dangerous period in
human history, when the world came closest to blowing itself up during thirteen
days, from 16 to 28 October 1962. On 22 October, President John F. Kennedy
announced that he had ordered a naval quarantine around Cuba to come into force
on 24 October. American and Soviet naval vessels came into close proximity with
a USSR submarine captain authorized, as is now known, to use nuclear weapons in
defence of Soviet ships or in self-defence. The efforts of UN Secretary-General
U Thant contributed greatly to defusing the crisis.
On 24 October 1962,
in his address to the Security Council, U Thant stressed that what was at stake
was the very fate of mankind. He called for urgent negotiations between the
parties directly involved and informed the Council that he had sent urgent
appeals to President Kennedy and Premier Nikita Khruschev for a moratorium of
two to three weeks. On the part of the USSR, it would entail the voluntary
suspension of all arms shipments to Cuba. On the part of the United States, it
would entail the voluntary suspension of the quarantine, especially the
searching of ships bound for Cuba. He also appealed to the U.S. President and
the Prime Minister of Cuba to suspend the construction and development of major
military facilities and installations in Cuba during the period of negotiation.
He offered to make himself available to all parties concerned for whatever
services he might be able to perform.
On 25 October 1962, Premier
Khruschev wrote to U Thant accepting his proposal. President Kennedy also wrote
that day that, while he appreciated the spirit that had prompted U Thant's
message, the key to the solution of the crisis lay in the removal of the
weapons from Cuba. Soviet vessels continued on their way to the quarantined
waters. That very day, U Thant followed up with an urgent appeal to the two
leaders. He was concerned that Soviet ships already on their way to Cuba might
challenge the quarantine and produce a confrontation between Soviet and United
States vessels, thereby destroying the possibility of negotiations. He
therefore requested Premier Khruschev to instruct any Soviet ships already
sailing toward Cuba to stay away from the interception area for a limited time.
He also asked President Kennedy to instruct United States vessels in the
Caribbean to do everything possible to avoid direct confrontation with Soviet
ships. To each, he stated that if he received the assurance sought, he would
inform the other side of it.
President Kennedy
immediately accepted his proposal, contingent upon acceptance by the Soviet
Government. Premier Khruschev also accepted the moratorium. He informed U Thant
that he had ordered Soviet vessels bound for Cuba to stay out of the
interception
area temporarily. The next day, on 26 October, U Thant sent a message to Prime
Minister Fidel Castro of Cuba informing him of the encouraging responses he had
received to his appeals and asking that construction of major military
installations in Cuba, and especially those designed to launch medium– and
intermediate–range ballistic missiles, be suspended during the period of
negotiations.
After the American
and Soviet acceptances of U Thant's appeal, and during the crucial time he had
obtained for them, President Kennedy and Premier Khruschev had their own
exchange, through letters and messengers, and managed to reach an agreement on
the formula that eventually ended the missile crisis. U Thant traveled to Cuba
from 30 to 31 October 1962 for meetings with Cuban leaders. His visit was of
importance inasmuch as it gave the Cuban leaders an opportunity to let off
steam.
As the agreement was
being consolidated, President Kennedy, in his letter of 28 October 1962 to
Premier Khruschev wrote: "The distinguished efforts of Acting Secretary-General
U Thant have greatly facilitated both our tasks." When all of the details had
been settled and the crisis was over, the American and Soviet negotiators sent
a joint letter to U Thant that said: "On behalf of the Government of the United
States of America and the Soviet Union, we desire to express to you our
appreciation for your efforts in assisting our Governments to avert the serious
threat to peace which arose in the Caribbean area."
THOUGHTS FOR THE FUTURE
In 1987, Secretary-General Pérez de Cuéllar advocated that
the United Nations system should maintain a Comprehensive Global Watch over
threats to human security. This idea retains its value and should be revived.
The United Nations has regional conflict prevention centres in some parts of
the world, such as West Africa and Central Asia. It would be sound policy to
establish more of these centres. Enhanced cooperation with regional and
sub-regional conflict prevention mechanisms would also be worthwhile. It is
also important to increase the staff of the Department of Political Affairs for
preventive work.
The
Secretary-General, spearheading the roles of the United Nations High
Commissioner for Human Rights and of his Special Advisers on the Responsibility
to Protect and the Prevention of Genocide, should foster diplomacy of democracy
and human rights at the country level. This would facilitate conflict
prevention.
The alleviation of
extreme poverty is crucial, as is the empowerment of women. These are issues of
strategy, as well as of justice. Enhancing human dignity is key to successful
prevention.
The idea of
preventive diplomacy is one of the great UN ideas that will be around for as
long as the world organization exists; for behind it is a simple faith that
whatever might be done to prevent crises or conflicts should be considered.
For further reading see: Bertrand G. Ramcharan Preventive
Diplomacy at the UN. UN Intellectual History project, 2008; and the first UN
Secretariat draft of An Agenda for Peace: Preventive Diplomacy, peacemaking and
peacekeeping.
http://www.un.org/africarenewal/web-features/cameroon-celebrates-its-50th-anniversary
Cameroon
celebrates its 50th anniversary
0
18 January 2012
Topics:
Africa
Cameroon
50th anniversary
independence
Author:
Ernest Harsch
School children march in celebrations marking Cameroon's
50th anniversary of independence.
Photograph: UN Africa Renewal / Ernest Harsch
Yaoundé — The central streets and roundabouts of Cameroon's
hilly capital were adorned with banners, flowers and coloured light displays as
thousands of soldiers and other citizens marched in a festive parade on 20 May
to mark a half century since the country first gained its national sovereignty.
"Cameroon is free and independent," declared a large parade sign. "Unity and
solidarity," "long live national integration," "development of Cameroonian
women" and many other slogans featured on the placards of succeeding
contingents.
Among people in Yaoundé's poorer outlying districts, there
also was some expression of pride, especially during local parades that wound
down their dusty streets in the days leading up to the national commemoration.
But with jobs limited and the prices of basic foodstuffs and other necessities
painfully high, many were more preoccupied with the struggle to simply get by.
And as President Paul Biya reminded Cameroonians in a national address kicking
off the 50th anniversary events, "it must be admitted that the most vulnerable
part of our population, especially in the rural areas, has not seen its
conditions improve significantly" since independence.
Cameroon was not alone in achieving its freedom 50 years
ago, in 1960. Sixteen other African countries — mostly former French colonies
but also Nigeria, Somalia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) — also
attained their sovereignty that year. A number of their leaders joined the
dignitaries on the reviewing platform at the 20 May parade or attended the
opening of a two-day international conference that preceded the event. They
included the presidents of Algeria, Burkina Faso, Central African Republic,
Chad, Congo Republic, Côte d'Ivoire, DRC, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, and São
Tomé and Príncipe. Cameroon's powerful neighbour to the north, Nigeria, was
represented not only by recently inaugurated President Goodluck Jonathan, but
also by former presidents Olusegun Obasanjo and Yakubu Gowon.
Regional peace, domestic strains
Nigeria's high-profile presence in Yaoundé was a tribute to
how much relations between the two countries have improved. In 1981 Nigeria and
Cameroon nearly went to war over the disputed Bakasi Peninsula, followed by
more armed clashes in the 1990s and Nigerian military occupation. Although the
International Court of Justice ruled in 2002 that Bakasi belonged to Cameroon,
it took several more years and concerted UN mediation before Nigeria agreed to
implement the ruling and finally withdrew in 2008. The peaceful resolution of
that border conflict was especially notable for a region of Africa that has
seen so many wars and insurgencies.
Unlike many of its neighbours, Cameroon itself has remained
at relative peace — that is, after the bloody years that marked its birth as an
independent state. Before France finally agreed to end its administrative rule,
radical pro-independence insurgents led by Ruben Um Nyobé fought a tenacious
struggle for sovereignty in the late 1950s, but were militarily defeated.
President Ahmadou Ahidjo, who came to power with French backing, continued
counter-insurgency operations against the remnants of the rebellion into the
early 1970s. That experience reinforced the authoritarian tendencies of the
government, which also centralized the Cameroonian state in 1972 by abolishing
a federal system that was established in 1961 when an Anglophone territory
previously administered by the UK voted to join Cameroon.
That history has left a lasting and controversial legacy.
During the 20 May parade, members of a political party claiming allegiance to
the early pro-independence insurgents were barred from carrying portraits of Um
Nyobé and other rebel leaders. Activists of another party, the largest
opposition group in parliament, unfurled signs calling for a return to
federalism and denouncing the electoral commission as biased in favour of
President Biya's party.
A number of Cameroonians — opposition supporters,
independent journalists, academics and even some members of the ruling party —
openly express disillusionment with the country's seeming political stagnation,
despite the return to multiparty politics in the early 1990s. President Biya
has been in office for 28 years, ever since Mr. Ahidjo stepped down after an
illness in 1982. The constitution was amended in 2008 to permit the 77-year-old
incumbent to run for re-election yet again in 2011.
Economic ups and downs
Government supporters argue that such prolonged political
stability has been an important factor in the country's economic and social
achievements. With a population of 20 million, Cameroon is rich in timberland
and waterways, exploits notable oil deposits and other mineral resources and
has a diversified manufacturing sector. Its per capita gross domestic product
is among the top 10 in sub-Saharan Africa.
But like many of its neighbours, Cameroon remains vulnerable
to external economic shocks. As President Biya has noted, these include
deteriorating terms of trade, a slowdown in growth in Europe and Asia (to which
Cameroon sells many of its exports) and erratic price fluctuations for oil and
other raw materials. "All these phenomena have had negative consequences for
our economy," he said.
In recent years, Cameroon's economic growth rates have
generally been below the sub-Saharan average. Nearly 58 per cent of its people
earn less than US$2 a day, and a third under US$1.25 a day. In 2008, sharply
higher food and fuel prices prompted serious rioting in Yaoundé, Douala and
more than two dozen other towns.
According to numerous analysts, such problems are worsened
by Cameroon's high levels of income inequality and its pervasive corruption.
Although scores of government officials, including several ministers, have been
arrested on charges of embezzlement and fraud under an anti-corruption
crackdown known as Operation Sparrowhawk, Cameroon continues to be ranked by
Transparency International and other groups among the more corrupt countries in
Africa.
On the positive side, Cameroon has invested heavily in
education. After some deterioration in the 1990s resulting from budgetary
constraints, government spending began to increase in 2000, leading to the
construction of thousands of new classrooms, higher salaries for teachers and
the abolition of fees for primary school students. The country's enrolment
ratios are comparable to the average for sub-Saharan Africa, and its literacy
rate is slightly above the average. Cameroon now has 190,000 students in its
seven universities, compared with just 1,000 university students in 1961.
In the hopes that these young Cameroonians will eventually
be able to find jobs, the government has recently launched a 10-year "growth
and employment" strategy. It aims to increase investments in roads, power
networks and other infrastructure, modernize aging industries and strengthen
health, education and professional training.
— Africa Renewal online
http://www.un.org/africarenewal/web-features/cameroon-celebrates-its-50th-anniversary
Trust
and Non-Self-Governing Territories (1945-1999)
http://www.un.org/en/decolonization/nonselfgov.shtml
Trust and Non-Self-Governing Territories (1945-1999)
The following
Territories have been subject to United Nations Trusteeship Agreements or were
listed by the General Assembly as Non-Self-Governing. Dates show the year of
independence or other change in a Territory's status, after which information
was no longer submitted to the United Nations.
- Administering
States -
| AUSTRALIA | BELGIUM | DENMARK | FRANCE | ITALY |
NETHERLANDS |
| NEW ZEALAND |
PORTUGAL | SOUTH AFRICA | SPAIN | UNITED KINGDOM | UNITED STATES |
Administering Power/ Authority
Territory
Status
Year
Australia
Cocos (Keeling) Islands
Change in Status
1984
Papua
Independence as Papua New Guinea
1975
Nauru
Trust Territory
Independence
1968
New Guinea
Trust Territory
Independence as Papua New Guinea
1975
Belgium
Belgian Congo
Independence as Congo Leopoldville, then Zaire
Now Democratic
Republic of the Congo
1960
Ruanda-Urundi
Trust Territory
Independence as Burundi
1962
Independence as Rwanda 1962
Denmark
Greenland Change
in Status
1954
France
French Equatorial Africa Independence
as Chad
1960
Independence
as Gabon 1960
(Middle Congo) Independence
as Congo (Brazzaville)
Now Republic of the
Congo 1960
(Ubangi Shari) Independence
as Central African Republic 1960
French Establishments in India
Change in Status
1947
French Establishments in Oceania
Change in Status
1947
French Guiana Change in
Status
1947
French Somaliland
Independence as Djibouti
1977
French West Africa
Independence as Dahomey
Now Benin
1960
(French Guinea) Independence
as Guinea 1958
(French Sudan) Independence
as Mali 1960
Independence
as Ivory Coast 1960
Independence
as Mauritania 1960
(Niger Colony) Independence
as Niger 1960
Independence
as Senegal 1960
Independence
as Upper Volta
Now Burkina-Faso 1960
Guadeloupe and Dependencies Change
in Status
1947
Indo-China
Independence as Cambodia
1953
Independence as Laos 1949
Independence as Viet Nam 1945
Madagascar and Dependencies
Independence as Madagascar
1960
Independence as Comoros 1975
Martinique
Change in Status
1947
Morocco
Independence
1956
New Caledonia 1 and Dependencies
Change in Status
1947
New Hebrides
(Under Anglo-French
Condominium)
Independence as Vanuatu
1980
Reunion
Change in Status
1947
St. Pierre and Miquelon
Change in Status
1947
Tunisia
Independence
1956
Cameroons
Trust Territory
Independence as Cameroon
1960
French Togoland
Trust Territory
Independence as Togo
1960
Italy
Somaliland
Trust Territory
Independence as Somalia (joined with British Somaliland)
1960
Netherlands
Netherlands Indies
Independence as Indonesia
1949
Netherlands New Guinea
Joined with Indonesia as Irian Jaya
1963
Netherlands Antilles
Change in Status
1951
Surinam
Change in Status
1951
Independence as Suriname 1975
New Zealand
Cook Islands
Change in Status
1965
Niue Island
Change in Status
1974
Western Samoa
Trust Territory
Independence as Samoa
1962
Portugal
Angola, including the enclave of Cabinda
Independence
1975
Cape Verde Archipelago
Independence as Cape Verde
1975
Goa and Dependencies
Change in Status
1961
Portuguese Guinea
Independence as
Guinea Bissau
1974
Macau and Dependencies
Change in Status
1972
Mozambique
Independence
1975
Sao Joمo Batista de Ajuda
Change in Status
1961
Sao Tome and Principe
Independence
1975
East Timor 2
Independence as Timor Leste
2002
South Africa
South West Africa
General Assembly terminated South Africa's mandate
1966
Independence as Namibia 1990
Spain
Fernando Póo and Rí Muni
Independence as Equatorial Guinea
1968
Ifni
Change in Status
1969
United Kingdom
Aden Colony and Protectorate
Independence as South Yemen
1967
Bahamas
Independence
1973
Barbados
Independence
1966
Basutoland
Independence as Lesotho
1966
Bechuanaland Protectorate
Independence as Botswana
1966
British Guiana
Independence as Guyana
1966
British Honduras
Independence as Belize
1981
British Somaliland
Independence as Somalia (joined with Italian Somaliland)
1960
Brunei
Independence
Now Brunei Darussalam
1984
Cyprus
Independence
1960
Fiji
Independence
1970
Gambia
Independence as The Gambia
1965
Gilbert and Ellice Islands Colony
Independence as Kiribati
1979
Independence as Tuvalu 1978
Gold Coast Colony and Protectorate
Independence as Ghana
1957
Hong Kong
Change in Status
1972
Jamaica
Independence
1962
Kenya
Independence
1963
Leeward Islands
(Antigua) Independence
as Antigua
and Barbuda 1981
(St. Kitts- Nevis-Anguilla) Independence
as St. Kitts and Nevis (separated from Anguilla) 1983
Malayan Union
Independence as Federation of Malaya
Now Malaysia [3]
1957
Malta
Independence
1964
Mauritius
Independence
1968
Nigeria
Independence
1960
North Borneo 3
Change in status
1963
Northern Rhodesia
Independence as Zambia
1964
Nyasaland
Independence as Malawi
1964
Sarawak 3
Change in status
1963
Seychelles
Independence
1976
Sierra Leone
Independence
1961
Singapore 3
Independence
1965
Solomon Islands
Independence
1978
Southern Rhodesia
Independence as Zimbabwe
1980
Swaziland
Independence
1968
Trinidad and Tobago
Independence
1962
Uganda
Independence
1962
Windward Islands
(Dominica) Independence
as Dominica 1978
(Grenada) Independence
as Grenada 1974
(St. Lucia) Independence
as St. Lucia 1979
(St. Vincent) Independence
as St. Vincent and the Grenadines 1979
Zanzibar
Independence 4 as United Republic of Tanganyika and Zanzibar
Now Republic of
Tanzania
1963
Cameroons
Trust Territory
Northern Cameroons joined with Nigeria
1961
Southern Cameroons joined with Cameroon 1961
Togoland
Trust Territory
Joined Gold Coast to form Ghana
1957
Tanganyka
Trust Territory
Independence 3 as United Republic of Tanganyika and Zanzibar
after joining
with Zanzibar
Now Republic of
Tanzania
1963
United States
Alaska
Change in Status
1959
Hawaii
Change in Status
1959
Panama Canal Zone
Change in Status
1947
Puerto Rico
Change in Status
1952
Pacific Islands
Trust Territory
Change in Status as Federated Sates of Micronesia
1990
Change in Status as Republic of the Marshall Island 1990
Change in Status as Northern Mariana Islands 1990
Change in Status as Palau 1994
http://www.sjsu.edu/faculty/watkins/cameroon
The Economy and Political
Economic History of
Cameroon
The region of Cameroon has had human occupation since about
8,000 BCE. There have been small tribal groups in the area since time
immemorial. They lived by hunting, gathering and later subsistence agriculture.
They had no notable treasures so the imperial powers of Britain, France and
Portugal did not bother to lay claim to Cameroon. When the German Empire
decided to acquire territory in African it had to take the remnants like
Cameroon. These remnant did not generally have any coherence. This made little
difference when units were being governed by an imperial power, but it did make
a difference when these remnants became independent.
Cameroon's experience during the imperial era was unique. In
1918 France occupied part of German Cameroon and Britain occupied the other
part. The battles of the French and British against the German forces is
depicted in the movie Black and White in Color. In that movie the native
African troops identify with their imperial masters and hurl insults at each
other that would make sense only if the troops were European.
Later the French and British sections of Cameroon were
united. The re-united Cameroon achieved independence in 1960 under the
leadership of Ahmadou Ahidjo.
The Political Succession Crisis of the Early 1980's
Ahmadou Ahidjo became the president of Cameroon two years
befo Cameroon became independent in 1960 and continued in that position with
seemingly no intentions of ever relinquishing it. Unexpectedly in November of
1982 he did resign and allowed Prime Minister Paul Biya to succede him. Ahidjo
cited ill health as the reason for his resignation. Ahidjo retired to France.
In June of 1983 President Paul Biya dismissed from
government four men who had been influential during the regime of Ahmadou
Ahidjo. Then in late August President Biya announced that a plot to overthrow
the government. In France Ahidjo, whose health had recovered after a short
rest, started making radio speeches condemning Biya. Ahidjo, when he resigned
the presidency, retained his position as head of the single political party of
the country, the Union Nationale Camerounaise (UNC). Once Ahidjo began his
political attacks against Biya there was a movement to replace Ahidjo as head
of the UNC and to avoid being dismissed Ahidjo resigned. Biya became head of
the UNC.
In January of 1984 there was a presidential election which
Biya won. Shortly thereafter Ahidjo and two of his associates were indicted and
tried in absentia for plotting the overthrow of the government. They were found
guilty and sentenced to death but Biya pardoned them making a reconciliation
possible. However no reconciliation materialized. In early April of 1984 there
was an attempted coup d'etat by the palace guard that was thwarted only by
violent battle.
Biya was from the south of Cameroon whereas Ahidjo was a
Muslim from the north. When Biya took over the presidency he made a point of
not dismissing members of the palace guard who were from the north. He was
attempting to avoid the regionalization of the administration, but that proved
to be unavoidable. Later when he dismissed northerners from the government he
provoked the crisis. The northerners wanted to re-secure the share of power in
the administration that had existed under Ahidjo. Despite the crisis Paul Biya
survived the succession crisis and has ruled Cameroon ever since. He was
elected at age 71 in 2004 to another seven year term as president.
(To be continued.)
H. E. Prof. KUM Nelson Bame Bame IV,
Ambassador -UPF-UN, Senior Banker, Manager, Entrepreneur, Engineer
www.bamekum.com, www.bamebame.org, www.bamekum.org, www.bamebame.com
A man does what he must in spite of personal consequences, in spite of
obstacles and dangers and pressure -- and that is the basis of all
human morality. (JFK)
--- On Wed, 2/13/13, H.E. KUM Nelson Bame IV nelson_bame@yahoo.com> wrote:
From: H.E. KUM Nelson Bame IV nelson_bame@yahoo.com>
Subject: The UN and the Case for the Southern Cameroons --- Union or
DisUnion is Optional!
To: cameroon_politics@yahoogroups.com, cameroonforum@yahoogroups.com,
camnetwork@yahoogroups.com, africanpolitics@yahoogroups.com,
africantalk@yahoogroups.com, africanunityDFW@yahoogroups.com, "Menchum
Worldwide" menchumworldwide@googlegroups.com>,
WECUDA_USA@yahoogroups.com, "Nigerian Politics"
naijapolitics@yahoogroups.com>, Africanpolitics@yahoogroups.com,
AfricanTalk@yahoogroups.com, ub_alumni@yahoogroups.com,
UB_Alumni@yahoogroups.com
Date: Wednesday, February 13, 2013, 2:36 PM
The southern
Cameroons
(The British
English Cameroons)
(Article In Development)
An African
Experiment in
Developments
and Hper-Threads.
Southern Cameroons
joins the French Cameroon in 1961 as a United Federation with two different
political and cultural identities with intent of co-existing under a defined
FEDERAL Union – not a Centralized Dictatorship.
It is clear across all History that after WWII, the French and English
Cameroon territories were two different geo-political and separate
SATES. The UN does not compell any aggregation of
HUMANS to co-exist whereby consistent mutual co-existence becomes absolultely
impossible. Human freedom as individuals
or nations to function as one entity or separate entities is the free
WILL of the
people in question – not dictatorships.
Is it possible or impossible to remand the UNION? Basic Answer:
It is possible to Break any UNION that is abortive from the
inception, talkless of an abusive and fruitless UNION.
UN Trusteeship Council
The Trusteeship Council, one of the main organs of the
United Nations, was established under Chapter XIII of the Charter to supervise
the administration of Trust Territories and to ensure that Governments
responsible for their administration took adequate steps to prepare them for
the achievement of the Charter goals.
The Charter authorizes the Trusteeship Council to examine
and discuss reports from the Administering Authority on the political,
economic, social and educational advancement of the peoples of Trust
Territories; to examine petitions from the Territories; and to undertake
special missions to the Territories.
To date, all Trust Territories have attained self-government
or independence, either as separate States or by joining neighbouring
independent countries. In 1994, the Security Council terminated the
United Nations
Trusteeship Agreement for the last of the original 11 Territories on its agenda
- the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands (Palau), administered by the
United States.
The Trusteeship Council, by amending its rules of procedure,
will now meet as and where occasion may require.
----------------------------------------------------------
Southern Cameroons
seeks implementation of verdict on self-determination
about 2 days ago
http://www.theguardianmobile.com/readNewsItem1.php?nid=10707
THE citizens of Southern Cameroons, through their counsel,
Okoi Obono-Obla, have written to Nigeria's Attorney General of the Federation
and Minister of Justice, Mohammed Bello Adoke (SAN), urging the Federal
Government to immediately comply with the Consent Judgment in Suit No.
FHC/ABJ/CS/30/2002 of March 25, 2002, delivered by the former Chief Judge of
the Federal High Court, Justice Roseline Ukeje, which was in their favour.
The peoples of
Southern Cameroons, represented by Dr. Kevin Ngwang Gumni, Augustine Feh
Ndangam, Chief Ette Otun Ayamba, Prof. Victor Mlkwele Ngoi, Dr. Martin Ngeka,
Nfot Ngala Nfor, Hitler Mbinglo, Dogbima Henry, K Mundam, Simon Ninpa, Shey
Tafon, Paul Yiwir and Isaac Sona, had sued the Federal Government of Nigeria at
the Federal High Court, Abuja.
In the suit, the
plaintiffs, through their originating summons, urged the court to determine
whether the Union envisaged under the Southern Cameroon Plebiscite 1961 between
La Republique du Cameroun and Southern Cameroons legally took effect as
contemplated by the relevant United Nations Resolutions, particularly the
United Nations General Assembly Resolution 1352 (XIV) of October 16, 1959, and
United Nations Trusteeship Council Resolution 2013 (XXIV) of May 31, 1960.
They also want the
court to determine whether the termination by the Government of the United
Kingdom of its trusteeship over the Southern Cameroon on September 30, 1961,
without ensuring prior implementation of the constitutional arrangements under
which the Southern Cameroons and La Republique du Cameroun were to unite as one
federal state, was not in breach of Articles 3 and 6 of the Trusteeship
Agreement for the Territory of the Cameroons under British administration as
approved by the United Nations General Assembly on December 13, 1946, the
United Nations General Assembly Resolutions 1352 of October 16, 1959, 1608 of
April 2, 1961, the United Nations Trusteeship Council Resolution 2013 (XIV) of
May 31, 1960, and Article 76 (b) of the Charter of the United Nations.
The Southern
Cameroons also wants the court to determine whether the assumption of sovereign
powers on October 1, 1961, and the continued exercise of same by the government
of La Republique du Cameroun over Southern Cameroon after the termination by
the government of the United Kingdom of its trusteeship over the territory was
legal and valid when the union between Southern Cameroons and La Republique du
Cameroun contemplated by the Southern Cameroon Plebiscite 1961 had not legally
taken effect.
===============================================================
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Southern_Cameroons
Southern Cameroons
From Wikipedia, the
free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Not to be confused
with South Region (Cameroon).Southern Cameroons
Part of the Cameroons
← 1922–1961
→
Flag
The Southern
Cameroons now constitue the Northwest and Southwest Provinces of Cameroon.
Capital Buea
History
- British Mandate 1922
- Joined Cameroon October 1 1961
Area
- 1987 42,383
km2 (16,364 sq mi)
Population
- 1987 2,100,000
Density 49.5 /km2 (128.3 /sq mi)
Southern Cameroons was the southern part of the British
Mandate territory of Cameroons in West Africa. Since 1961 it is part of the
Republic of Cameroon, where it makes up the Northwest Region and Southwest
Region. Since 1994, pressure groups in the territory have sought independence
from the Republique of Cameroon (La Republique du Cameroun), and the Republic
of Ambazonia was formally declared by the Southern Cameroons Peoples
Organisation (SCAPO) on 31 August 2006.Contents
[hide]
1 League of Nations Mandate
2 Trust Territory
3 Independence movement
4 Bakassi Peninsula
5 See also
6 References
7 Sources and External links
[edit]
League of Nations Mandate
Following the Treaty of Versailles, the German territory of
Kamerun was formally divided on June 28, 1919 between a French and a British
League of Nations Mandate, the French, who had previously administered the
whole occupied territory, getting the larger. The French mandate was known as
Cameroun. The British mandate comprised two geographically separate
territories, Northern Cameroons and Southern Cameroons. They were administered
from, but not joined to, the British territory of Nigeria through the British
Resident (although some incumbents had the rank of District Officer, Senior
Resident or Deputy Resident) with headquarters in Buea.
Applying the principle of indirect rule, the British allowed
native authorities to administer populations according to their own traditions.
These also collected taxes, which were then paid over to the British. The
British devoted themselves to trade, and to exploiting the economic and mining
resources of the territory. South Cameroons students, including Emmanuel Mbela
Lifafa Endeley, created the Cameroons Youth League (CYL) on 27 March 1940, to
oppose what they saw as the exploitation of their country.
[edit]
Trust Territory
When the League of Nations ceased to exist in 1946, most of
the mandate territories were reclassified as UN trust territories, henceforth
administered through the UN Trusteeship Council. The object of trusteeship was
to prepare the lands for eventual independence. The United Nations approved the
Trusteeship Agreements for British Cameroons to be governed by Britain on 6
December 1946.
Southern Cameroons was divided in 1949 into two provinces:
Bamenda (capital Bamenda, hence also thus named) and Southern (capital Buea).
Yet the residential type of administration was continued with a single British
Resident at Buea, but in 1949 Edward John Gibbons was appointed Special
Resident, and on 1 October 1954, when political power shifted to the elected
government, succeeded himself as first of only two Commissioners.
Following the Ibadan General Conference of 1950, a new
constitution for Nigeria devolved more power to the regions. In the subsequent
election thirteen Southern Cameroonian representatives were elected to the
Eastern Nigerian House of Assembly in Enugu. In 1953, however, the Southern
Cameroons representatives, unhappy with the domineering attitude of Nigerian
politicians and lack of unity among the ethnic groups in the Eastern Region,
declared a "benevolent neutrality" and withdrew from the assembly. At a
conference in London from 30 July to 22 August 1953, the Southern
Cameroons delegation
asked for a separate region of its own. The British agreed, and Southern
Cameroons became an autonomous region with its capital still at Buea. Elections
were held in 1954 and the parliament met on 1 October 1954, with E.M.L. Endeley
as Premier. As Cameroun and Nigeria prepared for Independence, South Cameroons
nationalists debated whether their best interests lay with union with Cameroun,
union with Nigeria or total independence. Endeley was defeated in elections on
1 February 1959 by John Ngu Foncha.
The United Nations organised a plebiscite in the Cameroons
on 11 February 1961 which put two alternatives to the people: union with
Nigeria or union with Cameroun. The third option, independence, was opposed by
the UK representative to the UN Trusteeship Council, Sir Andrew Cohen, and as a
result was not put. In the plebiscite, Northern Cameroons voted for union with
Nigeria, and Southern Cameroons for union with (the formerly French) Cameroun.
[edit]
Independence movement
Flag of the
independence movement
Southern Cameroons became part of Cameroon on 1 October
1961. Foncha served as Prime Minister of West Cameroun and Vice-President of
the Federal Republic of Cameroun. However, the English-speaking peoples of the
Southern Cameroons (now West Cameroun) did not believe that they were fairly
treated by the French-speaking government of the country. Following a
referendum on 20 May 1972, a new constitution was adopted in Cameroun which
replaced the federal state with a unitary state. Southern Cameroons lost its
autonomous status and became the Northwest Province and Southwest Province of
the Republic of Cameroun. The Southern Cameroonians felt further marginalised.
Groups such as the Cameroon Anglophone Movement (CAM) demanded greater
autonomy, or independence, for the provinces.
Pro-independence groups claim that UN resolution 1608 21
April 1961, which required the UK, the Government of the Southern Cameroons and
Republic of Cameroun to engage in talks with a view to agreeing measures for
union of the two countries, was not implemented, and that the Government of the
United Kingdom was negligent in terminating its trusteeship without ensuring
that proper arrangements were made. They say that the adoption of a federal
constitution by Cameroun on 1 September 1961 constituted annexation of South
Cameroons.
Representatives of Anglophone groups convened the first All
Anglophone Conference (AAC1) in Buea from 2 April to 3 April 1993. The
conference issued the "Buea Declaration", which called for
constitutional amendments to restore the 1961 federation. This was followed by
the second All Anglophone Conference (AAC2) in Bamenda in 1994. This conference
issued the "Bamenda Declaration", which stated that if the federal state was
not restored within a reasonable time, Southern Cameroons would declare its
independence. The AAC was renamed the Southern Cameroons Peoples Conference
(SCPC), and later the Southern Cameroons Peoples Organisation (SCAPO), with the
Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC) as the executive governing body.
Younger activists formed the Southern Cameroons Youth League (SCYL) in Buea on
28 May 1995. The SCNC sent a delegation, led by John Foncha, to the United
Nations, which was received on 1 June 1995 and presented a petition against the
'annexation' of the Southern Cameroons by French Cameroun. This was followed by
a signature referendum the same year, which the organisers claim produced a 99%
vote in favour of independence with 315,000 people voting.[1]
Armed members of the SCNC took over the Buea radio station
in Southwest Province on the night of 30 December 1999 and in the early hours
of 31 December broadcast a tape of a proclamation of independence read by Judge
Ebong Frederick Alobwede.
Amnesty International has accused the Cameroun authorities
of human right violations against South Cameroons activists.
Complaint with the African Commission on Human and Peoples
Rights - Communication n° 266/2003:
On 9 January 2003, the Southern Cameroons National Council
(SCNC) and the Southern Cameroons Peoples Organisation (SCAPO) filed a
complaint with the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights against the
Republic of Cameroun (registered as Communication n° 266/2003 Re: Kevin Ngwane
Ngumne and Co., acting on their behalf and on behalf of SCNC/SCAPO and the
Southern Cameroons versus the State of Cameroon). Among other allegations, the
complainants alleged that the Republic of Cameroun is illegally occupying the
territory of Southern Cameroons. The Complainants alleged that the Republic of
Cameroon has violated Articles 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7(1), 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 17(1),
19, 20, 21, 22, 23(1), 24 of the African Charter.[2] The SCNC and SCAPO
ultimately seek the independence of the territory of Southern Cameroons.[3] In
a decision reached at its 45th Ordinary Session on May 27, 2009,[4] the African
Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights found that the Republic of Cameroun has
violated Articles 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, 7(1), 10, 11, 19 and 26 the Charter. The Human
Rights Commission determined that Articles 12, 13, 17(1), 20, 21, 22, 23(1) and
24 have not been violated.
The Human Rights Commission further recognized that under
the African Charter and broad international law, Southern Cameroons meets the
definition of a "people" under international law "because they
manifest numerous characteristics and affinities, which include a common
history, linguistic tradition, territorial connection, and political
outlook". The Human Rights Commission declared itself incompetent rationae
temporis, to rule on allegations that occurred prior to 18 December 1989, date
on which the African Charter came into force for the Respondent State (Republic
of Cameroun). Hence, the Human Rights Commission declared itself incompetent to
rule on the complainants' allegations with respect to events that occurred from
the 1961 United Nations plebiscite to 1972 when the Federal and Union
Constitutions were adopted to form the United Republic of Cameroon during which
the Complainants claim the Respondent State (Republic of Cameroun)
"...established
its colonial rule there, complete with its structures, and its administrative,
military and police personnel, applying a system and operating in a language
alien to the Southern Cameroon." The Human Rights Commission stated,
however that, if the Complainants can establish that any violation committed
before 18 December 1989 continued thereafter, then the Commission shall have
competence to examine it.
The Human Rights Commission addressed the question, whether
the people of Southern Cameroons are entitled to the right to self
determination contextualizing the question by dealing, not with the 1961 UN
Plebiscite, or the 1972 Unification, but rather the events of 1993 and 1994 on
the constitutional demands vis-à-vis the claim for the right to self
determination
of the Southern Cameroonian people. The Human Rights Commission stated that to
invoke Self Determination as prescribed by Article 20 the African Charter, the
Complainant must satisfy the Commission that the two conditions under Article
20(2), namely oppression and domination have been met. Based on events that
occurred after December 18, 1989 the Human Rights Commission noted that the
Complainants have not demonstrated if these conditions have been met to warrant
invoking the right to self determination. The Human Rights Commission also
noted that in their submission, the Respondent State (Republic of Cameroun)
implicitly accepted that self determination may be exercisable by the
Complainants on condition that they establish cases of massive violations of
human rights, or denial of participation in public affairs.
The Human Rights Commission noted that autonomy within a
sovereign state is acceptable, in the context of self government, confederacy,
or federation, while preserving the territorial integrity of a State party, can
be exercised under the African Charter.
The Human Rights Commission recommended that the Respondent
State (Republic of Cameroun) should among other things enter into constructive
dialogue with the Complainants, and in particular, SCNC and SCAPO to resolve
the constitutional issues, as well as grievances.
[edit]
Bakassi Peninsula
Following the International Court of Justice ruling of 10
October 2002 that sovereignty over the Bakassi peninsula rested with Cameroon,
SCAPO claimed that Bakassi was in fact part of the territory of Southern
Cameroons. In 2002, SCAPO took the Nigerian government to the Federal High
Court in Abuja to require it to take a case before the International Court of
Justice to establish the right of the people of the Southern Cameroons to
self-determination. The court ruled in their favour on 5 March 2002. On 14
August 2006 Nigeria formally handed over the Bakassi peninsula to Cameroon.
SCAPO responded by proclaiming the independence of the Republic of Ambazonia,
to include the territory of Bakassi.[5]
Southern Cameroons is a member of the Unrepresented Nations
and Peoples Organization (UNPO) since 2005 and a charter member of the
Organization of Emerging African States (OEAS).
[edit]
See also
Ambazonia
Bakassi
Anglophone Cameroonian
[edit]
References
^ Southern Cameroons Peoples Organisation website
^ African Charter
^ "Southern Cameroons: The Banjul Communiqué".
Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization. 2005-05-23. Retrieved
2009-04-27.
^ Google docs
^ The Proclamation of Independence of the Republic of
Ambazonia
[edit]
Sources and External links
SCNC website
WorldStatesmen- Cameroon
http://www.scncforsoutherncameroons.net/index.php?limitstart=20
Mr. Chairman,
Dear Compatriots,
Standing here on behalf of the Leaders Conclave and on
behalf of millions of our suffering people back in our homeland, Southern
Cameroons, and those who for circumstances beyond their control have fled
abroad, it is an honour to me to be in your midst.
Firstly I want to salute your wisdom and courage for not
only having given birth to the WFN, but above all for keeping it alive for
these five challenging years.
Secondly believing that your patriotic spirit has inspired
you to meet here to look back to 2006 when the WFN was born with legitimate
ambition and given a name of hope, hope not for self but for the people it was
born to serve, I wish to submit that your meeting is indeed timely and
challenging.
Read more...
We Are Southern
Cameroonians, Activists Tell Court
Wednesday, 08 June
2011 15:24 Reporter
Monday, June 06, 2011
Culled from thPostWebEdition.com
The Tiko Court room, June 1, was unusually jammed to
capacity and spilled over onto the verandas where stood multitudes of anxious
members of the public, who spent well over seven hours on their feet, peering
through the windows, to witness the trial of some 24 Southern Cameroons
National Council, SCNC, activists.
Last Updated on
Wednesday, 08 June 2011 15:28
Read more...
Memorandum From The
Southern Cameroons National Council
Thursday, 19 May 2011
13:54 Reporter
MEMORANDUM FROM THE SOUTHERN CAMEROONS NATIONAL COUNCIL
(SCNC) TO HER MAJESTY'S GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED KINGDOM ON THE BOTCHED
DECOLONISATION OF THE UN TRUST TERRITORY OF BRITISH SOUTHERN CAMEROONS: AN
APPEAL FOR URGENT MEDIATION, By Chief AYAMBA E.O., National Chairman, SCNC.
The British Southern Cameroons, a former United Nations
Trust Territory under the SACRED TRUST of Her Majesty's Government has been a
long time victim of annexation and colonial occupation by La Republiqué du
Cameroun for nearly five decades consequent upon imperfect de-colonisation of
the territory in October 1961.
Last Updated on
Thursday, 19 May 2011 14:54
Read more...
SCAPO Exhorts UN To Decolonise Southern
Cameroons
Tuesday, 03 May 2011
13:42 Reporter
Southern Cameroons People's Organisation, SCAPO,
International Coordinator, Professor Martin Ayong Ayim, has said their current
efforts are geared towards getting the United Nations to completely decolonise
the former British Southern Cameroons to prevent unnecessary bloodshed.
"I firmly believe that the United Nations and United
Kingdom erred in the termination of the UN Trusteeship of Southern Cameroons in
violation of all UN Articles and Resolutions, notably; UN Art. 102 (I, II), UN
Res 1608 (XV), UN RES. 1514 (XV) of Dec. 14, 1960, and UN Art. 76(b), Prof.
Ayong Ayim told The Post in an online interview.
Last Updated on
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Occupation Forces of
LRC Begin Heavy Crackdown on SCNC Activists ahead....
Wednesday, 27 April
2011 20:51 Reporter
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While the Pro-consuls of La Republique du Cameroun are
intensifying efforts to intoxicate, manipulate and brainwash Southern
Cameroonians to turn up en-mass and celebrate May 20th which is our dooms-day
and 1st October which they call "Re-unification" day, firm instructions
have been issued by
the Biya regime to commence a heavy crackdown exercise on SCNC activists to
deter them from their God-given right to self-determination. To that
effect, fifteen
SCNC activists ranging between the ages of 39 and 80 years were on the 20th of
April
THE LEGAL ARGUMENT FOR SOUTHERN CAMEROON INDEPENDENCE
SC Workshop – Bamenda
11 February 2005
Presented by Germanus
Dounge
Introduction:
"An annexed people is
always for a king or an Emperor a matter of complex problems for his own people
are always divided on the annexation like the annexed people themselves: he
always has sleepless nights over them until the annexed people free themselves
by sword or by negotiation, for the ashes of annexation are never completely
cold"
Michiavelo Machiaveli
The problem which has
been existing between the Southern Cameroons and La Republique du Cameroun
since 1961 has been given many improper names:
i. Marginalization
(political, economic, social, cultural, and linguistic);
ii. Lack of democracy
in the domain of elections;
iii. Bad governance;
iv. Non-accommodation
of Anglo-French bilingualism on the grounds of the
French domino theory;
v. Dictatorship;
vi. Lack or imbalance
of Affectio societatis between Southern Cameroonians and camerounais;
vii. Annexation
The last name,
annexation, is the appropriate name: the first six have been in use since 1972;
but annexation has been in use only since the peoples of the Southern Cameroons
started their struggle for liberation in 1982 with the meetings of elites of
the North-West and South-West provinces in Douala. These meetings served as the
nucleus of what was to later to become the CAMEROON ANGLOPHONE MOVEMENT (CAM)
in December 1991.
CAM later transmuted
to the SOUTHERN CAMEROONS RESTORATION MOVEMENT (SCARM) in July 1996. CAM
popularized the name, annexation, in its information bulletin called CAM Forum
No. 2. Annexation is the appropriate name because it is justified in
international law. The other names can be justified only in domestic law, that
is, within the framework of a national constitution.
To justify the
current struggle for independence for the Southern Cameroons and win the
sympathy of the international community, SCARM all along has been focusing on
the international status of the Southern Cameroons by exposing, explaining and
upholding the struggle within the framework of international law. This has been
done in four sections:
Section 1 – The
physical and legal birth of the Southern Cameroons under international law;
Section 2 – The
international legal existence of the Southern Cameroons from 1919 to 1946 under
the Leagus of Nations;
Section 3 – The
international legal existence of the Southern Cameroons from 13 December 1946
to 1961 under United Nations Trusteeship;
Section 4 – The
international legal existence of the Southern Cameroons from its annexation on
1st October 1961 to the expected independence.
THE LEGAL ARGUMENT IN INTERNATIONAL LAW FOR INDEPENDENCE FOR
THE SOUTHERN CAMEROONS.
SECTION 1
The Physical and
Legal Birth of the Southern Cameroons under International Law.
The German colony of
KAMERUN was lying between the British colony of NIGERIA and the French colonies
of Tchad, Oubangui-chari, Congo and Gabon. At the outbreak of the First World
War in 1914 the British West African Frontier Forces from The Gambia, Sierra-
Leone, Ghana (the Gold Coast) and Nigeria gathered at Ikom in Nigeria under the
command of General CHARLES C. DOBELL. These British colonial troops entered the
German colony of Kamerun and fought their first battle with German colonial
troops commanded by Colonel Zimmermann at SANAKANG. The French colonial troops
from Tchad, Oubangui-Chari, Congo and Gabon, under the command of General
Joseph AYMERICH, entered KAMERUN to fight the German troops. The war lasted
from 1914 till 1918 with the defeat of the German troops in Kamerun.
The British troops
from the west and the French troops from the east had penetrated right inside
the colony by 1916. The British Secretary for the Colonies, Alfred MILNER and
the French Minister for the Colonies and Navy, Henri SIMON, realizing that
their combined troops were about to capture German KAMERUN, drew a line in 1916
to partition the German colony between Britain and France. As the war
progressed, Alfred MILNER and Henri SIMON signed an agreement to confirm the
line in 1917: the agreement became known as the SIMON – MILNER AGREEMENT which
shared the German colony of KAMERUN into two sectors for Britain in the West
and for France in the East.
When the map of the
partition was sent from London to General Charles C. Dobell, he unexpectedly
rejected the map, sent it back to London in protest on grounds that the
partition of the land from the sea – Tiko through Misselele to Muyuka - is the
area where he lost many of his men, and that land had been put in the French
Sector according to the map; so he could never accept it; that that piece of
land must be in the British Sector.
London rejected
Dobell's argument and refused to modify the map: Dobell threatened to fight the
French troops which were already camping in the disputed area. Realising the
seriousness of Dobell's threat, London gave in and modified the map to include
the disputed area in the British Sector as requested by Dobell. Dobell was
later accused by the British of rebellion and insubordination and sent
on punitive
transfer to Rawalpindi in India (Rawalpindi is today in Pakistan).
The war ended in 1918
with the defeat of Germany and the partition of the German colony of KAMERUN.
Britain and France set up administrations in their respective sectors. In 1919
Britain, France and Germany signed the Versailles Peace Treaty at LE PALAIS DES
GALERIES DES GLACES (Versailles – France) on 28 July 1919. This treaty
confirmed the Simon – Milner Agreement of 1916: and this was the physical and
Legal Birth of the Southern Cameroons in international law binding Britain,
France and Germany, and eye-witnessed by the United States.
It should be noted
that during the war, the United States which had refused to fight alongside
France and Britain when contacted, sold war materials to Britain and France
according to the "Buy and Carry Act" passed by the US Congress as a diplomatic
way of assisting Britain. "Buy and Carry Act" meant you buy them in cash.
According to President Woodrow Wilson "we sell arms to you and you carry them
away at once in one shipment to where you want and to do what you want".
When contacted to
sign the Versailles Peace Treaty as a big power, Woodrow Wilson refused on the
grounds that "we have not been defeated nor have we won in a war we have only
heard of; but we should seat at Versailles as an observer". The Versailles
Peace Treaty, an international treaty, made the Simon – Milne Agreement
boundary the permanent international boundary between the Southern Cameroons
and La Republique du Cameroun du premier janvier 1960.
SECTION 2
The First Specific International Status of the Southern
Cameroons within International Boundaries.
Before the formation
of the League of Nations, the international boundary of the Southern Cameroons
on its eastern border was the one recognised by the Versailles Peace Treaty: on
its western border, the international boundary was the one recognised by the
Anglo – German Treaty of 1913. The League of Nations was founded as an
international organisation to promote, maintain and keep peace around the
world. As manager of international peace, the League of Nations put all the
territories of German colonies captured during the war under a system of
Mandatory Administration to mandated powers. Britain – France - Belgium became
Mandatory Powers respectively for British Cameroons, Tanganyika, Papua New
Guinea, British Togoland; French Cameroun, French Togo; Rwanda – Burundi.
The Southern
Cameroons was given an international status in 1922 as a League of Nations
Mandated Territory under British Administration. In 1931, the League of Nations
requested Britain and France to landmark the international boundary between the
British Cameroons and French Cameroun.
So on 9 January 1931,
the "Cameroons boundary Commission" met in London. Under the supervision of the
League of Nations. Administrators of the British Cameroons and those of French
Cameroun landmarked the international boundary by building concrete cement
pillar marks along the boundary: each landmark was the object of a specific
topographic document which was co-signed by the Administrators of both
countries.
SECTION 3
The Illegitimate and
Illegal claim of Sovereignty over the Territory of the Southern Cameroons by La
Republique du Cameroun on the grounds that the German colony of Kamerun (
Camereroes) became a German colony in 1884 by a Treaty signed between the
German Consul GUSTAV NAGHTIGAL and the Kings of Douala.
That German colony
comprised the current territory of La Republique du Cameroun and the British
Cameroons; but the territory of German Kamerun has gone through a number of
changes of its original boundaries over time. It is known that Germany, under
Chancellor Von Bismark went out later for colonies because Von Bismark had in
the past told the Reishtag (Parliament): "I do not need colonies". But Bismark,
pressured by Von Papin, decided later to get colonies especially in Africa. So
Germany wanted the area from Tangiers to Casablanca in the northern part of
Morocco, a French colony.
The military governor
of Morocco, General Lyanty, bitterly opposed the German request. France and
Germany quarreled over Tangiers – Casablanca; and in order to settle the
dispute, France preferred to offer land to Germany in the heart of Africa where
France had many large colonies: Gabon, Congo, Oubangui – Chari, Tchad. France's
move was probably due to the fact that those four colonies were governed by
civilian governors who, of course, were more amenable than a military governor
like General Lyanty in Morocco, Biaut –Willaumez in Gabon, Saborgnan de Brazzo
(an Italian) in Congo, Captain Lomy in Oubangui – Chari, and Reverend Father
Foureau in Tchad. Germany accepted France's offer first by a treaty on 4
November 1911.
A portion of Tchad
and a portion of Congo were joined to the German colony. By a treaty on 1st
October 1912, a portion of Northern Gabon was joined to Kamerun. On 1st
February 1913, a very large portion of western Oubangui – Chari was joined to
Kamerun. So France expanded the territory of German Kamerun by 275,000 square
kilometers before the outbreak of the war in 1914. By the effect of war, the
expanded German Kamerun was shared between Britain and France.
France and the
Returned Lands from the expanded German Kamerun.
Two factors were at
play:
1. The Mandate of the
League of Nations;
2. The bitter
protests of the populations of the portions of French colonies which were
attached to the original German Kamerun less than five years earlier.
France took over its
portion of the divided German Kamerun in a very brutal manner, especially by
forcefully suppressing the German language. The French-speaking populations who
were joined to German Kamerun soon tabled two complaints: first, that war was
never fought in the areas they inhabited as it was in the German-speaking area;
that they did not yet speak German well; secondly, that they were not colonized
by the Germans; that they willingly collaborated with the French troops against
German troops. So, considering all those complaints, France returned to its
colonies their respective portions of territory she ceded to Germany by
treaties. So the Mandate given to France was applied on its original portion of
German Kamerun, that is, the current territory of La Republique du Cameroun
since 1916.
La Republique du
Cameroun cannot legally claim the territory of the Southern Cameroons; La
Republique du Cameroun has been claiming it as part of German Kamerun. How can
a war booty believe that it is the father or mother of a twin war booty? The
Southern Cameroons and La Republique du Cameroun are both monozygotic twins
(from one egg) of the First World War. ( c/f: London – Cameroons Boundaries
Commission – State Treaties Series No. CMD / 3639 / 03 – 9 January 1931).
SECTION 4
The International Legal Existence of Southern Cameroons from
13 December 1946 till 1st October 1961.
After the Yalta
Conference in 1944 - (Stalin (Soviet Union)– Franklin Delano Roosevelt (USA) –
Orlando (Italy) – Winston Churchill (Britain) - the U.N.O. was formed on 24
October 1945 at San Francisco to replace the League of Nations. On 13 December
1946, the U.N.O. created its Trusteeship Council by UNGAR 63-111 to replace the
Mandates System of the defunct League of Nations. By the same Resolution 63-111
of 13 December 1946, the UN appointed Britain – France – Belgium – Australia –
New Zealand Administering Authorities for the same territories over which there
had been mandated powers of the defunct League of Nations. The same day, 13
December 1946, the U.N.O. signed Trusteeship Agreements with each Administering
Authority for the former Mandated Territories. By these Agreements the former
Mandated Territories became known as UN Trust Territories under the
Administration of the Administering Authority.
The UN and Britain
signed the Trusteeship Agreement No Document A / 152 / REV2 for the British
Cameroons; and No. Document A / 155 / REV2 for La Republique du Cameroun
The Southern
Cameroons then had its second specific international legal status as a UN Trust
Territory. From 13 December 1946 the Southern Cameroons enjoyed its new
international legal status through numerous UNGA Resolutions till 1st October
1961. The most important UN Resolutions on the Southern Cameroons in
chronological order are:
* Resolution 338 – XI
banning public corporal punishment within the territory: from this resolution,
the popular 25 lashes were henceforth given as punishment inside a house, no
more in the public view.
• Resolution 224 –
111 on the Administrative Union between adjacent UN Trust Territories under the
same Administering Authority (see Nigeria and the Southern Cameroons as part of
the Eastern Region of Nigeria till 1959 with Dr. E.M.L. Endeley as Prime
Minister).
• Resolution 1282 –
X111 of 13 July 1958 with British Report T./ 93 on the progress towards
independence.
* Resolution 1350 –
XIV on the principle of a plebiscite in the Southern Cameroons.
• Resolution 1352 –
XIV of 16 October 1959 organizing the plebiscite in both Northern and Southern
British Cameroons.
• Resolution 1608 –
XV of 21 April 1961 on the independence and union with La Republique du
Cameroun.
SECTION 5
The Plebiscites of 11 and 12 February 1961
Definition of plebiscite:
It is a vote to
confirm a decision which has already been taken: in case of a YES vote, the
decision is maintained; in case of a NO vote, the decision should be called off
and the process may be re-launched. But the Southern Cameroons plebiscite was
not a de jure confirmation of the two questions put at the plebiscite. Any YES
vote was a mere wish for union; it was due to have any legal effect only as it
was later specified by Resolution 1608 –XV of 21 April 1961. So the YES vote
for union with La Republique du Cameroun was not legally binding.
Already Resolution
1352 – XIV categorically stated in its paragraph 6:
"the Administering
Authority should take steps to separate the Administration of the Southern
Cameroons from that of Nigeria not later than 1st October 1960".
This paragraph put La
Republique du Cameroun and Nigeria on an equal footing so that on 1st October
1960, the day fixed by the UN for independence for Nigeria, L a Republique du
Cameroun and Nigeria had no legal link with the Southern Cameroons. This put a
legal end to the Administrative union according to Resolution 224.
By contrast, a
referendum is a vote to authorize to take a decision to do something: the two
procedures are not substitutive. The 1961 plebiscite was a vote on a projected
legal union whose legal treaty was due to be worked out as prescribed by
Resolution 1608.
SECTION 6
The Debate on Resolution 1608 – XV at the UNGA on 21st April
1961
The Draft Resolution
was proposed by India (IYA JAIPAL and Chrishna MENON)
-Chairman 14th
General Assembly: Lambertin Dinar (Indonesia)
-Chairman of the
Southern Cameroons item 13 and 41: Adnan PACHASI (Iraq)
-Vice – Chairman:
Miss Silvia Shelton Villalien (Cuba)
-Djabal Abdo (Iran),
Plebiscite Commissioner (seating with consultative status).
Take note that the
vote was in three stages:
Round 1: Termination
of the Trusteeship Agreement for the Southern Cameroons.
Round 2: Independence
and its date.
Round 3: The Treaty
and form of union between the Southern Cameroons and La Republique du Cameroun.
The chairman opened
the Debate by putting to vote the entire Resolution 1608 as drafted by the team
chaired by M. Stravoulopos; and it was accepted by acclamation..
The chairman then put
to vote the Rounds with the following results:-
- Round 1: 50 YES votes, 6 NO votes, 12 abstentions;
- Round 2: 50 YES
votes, 6 NO votes, 12 abstentions;
- Round 3: Union in
the form of a United Federal Republic of Cameroons [Cameroons in the plural (2
Cameroons: La Republique du Cameroun and the Southern Cameroons)]: 50 YES
votes, 21 NO votes, 6 abstentions as specified in paragraph B.
THE TREATY OF UNION:
A constitutional
conference to be held to draft or workout an international Legal Treaty for the
projected union with the assistance of Britain, the Southern Cameroons, La
Republique du Cameroun, three experts in Constitutional and Administrative law.
This Treaty of Union could legally validate the YES vote retroactively.
According to the Law on Treaties (that is their legal system), the draft
constitution must be approved by both parliaments of La Republique du Cameroun
and the Southern Cameroons by a Vote of Acceptance after first and second
readings to the House by the Speaker; readings during which probable questions
on the sensitive points would be asked and answered as well as the
psychological, semantics and syntaxes in the draft.
If it is rejected,
the work on these points must be done again satisfactorily. If it is accepted,
it can be debated on its legal implications. After the debate, it can be
ratified, meaning that it is good. Then a length of time is set for reflection
on it; then after that time, it can be signed, making it internationally
binding in international law.
SECTION 7
Federation:
There two kinds of federation: aggregative and segregative
A Segregative
Federation is a mode of governance by a sovereign state to resolve political,
economic or cultural problems within the state – it is not recognized in
international law – its members are generally called autonomous regions,
provinces or districts: they are not states as defined by the international
law. And in international law they cannot quit the federation because they are
an integral part of the national territory.
An Aggregative
Federation is the form of federation the Southern Cameroons voted for in the
1961 plebiscite – it is formed by sovereign states which have internationally
recognised boundaries. Although the Southern Cameroons was not a sovereign and
independent state, at the time of the plebiscite, it had its international legal
status as a UN Trust Territory which allowed the Southern Cameroons to form an
aggregative federation with La Republique du Cameroun. That was the reason why
the UN could not simply ask the Southern Cameroons at the plebiscite to
integrate itself into La Republique du Cameroun.
It was on this legal
ground that the UN envisioned the workout of a Treaty of Union for the
projected federation according to the international law on Treaties. So one
wonders why La Republique du Cameroun calls the Southern Cameroons a province
of its territory. Members of an aggregative federation are called Federated
States: each of them has the right to quit the federation. Examples of
aggregative federations are: Federation of the Federated States of Micronesia
in the South Pacific, Senegal / Gambia. The majority of federations around the
world are segregative federations: Brazil, India, Nigeria, Argentina,
Australia, Germany, etc.
SECTION 8
The Foumban Conference: How it took place (c/f la Duperie du
Foumban).
"As the Anglophones
were given only three days to study the constitution that sealed their fate" .
Foumban is a calm,
sunny and beautiful town, where Ahmadou Ahidjo used to go to for relaxation
because of his twin friendship between Sultan Seidou and Arouna Njoya.
According to eye-witnesses at the time, Foumban was an island of peace in a
environment where terror reigned in the midst of an armed rebellion. Despite
the enormous means in men and materials put at the disposal of the regular
army, it was not easy for it to crush the rebellion led by the National
Liberation Army of Cameroun, the armed wing of the UPC.
In the two weeks
leading up to the Foumban Conference, it was reported that more than one
hundred people had been killed by terrorists in Loum, Bafang, Ndom and Douala.
The echoes of these killings rapidly spread across the Mungo and seriously
worried a large number of unification advocates there. On several occasions,
Foncha had to publicly express his worries; on July 3, 1961 in Douala he made
the following appeal: "Those who are killing should return to legality and work
for the greatness of this country".
In that climate of
high insecurity in the country, Ahidjo was very much worried about how to
reassure the leaders of the Southern Cameroons; so in deciding on the choice of
Foumban as venue for the conference, Ahidjo thereby wanted to prove to those
leaders that he was the master of peace. But Ahidjo's choice was not completely
without risks. Indeed Sultan Seidou and the traditional council of the Bamoun
people have always been on the side of legality; but it should be remembered
that Felix-Roland Moumie, a son of the soil, was one of the front leaders of
the UPC, and as such , he had won many hearts over to the UPC cause; and he had
even succeeded in introducing the doctrine of the UPC into the Sultan's palace
through one Mekou Samuel who was not only a friend but also the private
secretary to the Sultan. Mekou Samuel had joined the UPC in the early days of
its launching.
Even though the Koutaba
military camp was there to reassure whoever, "the terrorists" of ANLK had
proven that they mastered the field and could carry out any audacious attack
wherever as was confirmed by the recent killing of the SDO, Albert Khong,
through the complicity of DO Samuel Njouma.
In order to curb the
infiltration of terrorists into Bamoun country, the authorities had tightened
preventive security measures: after a short period of relative calm, a curfew
was reinforced in all the administrative units around Foumban effective from
the beginning of July. A stern communiqué issued by the prefet of Mbouda on
July 3, 1961 to the populations that were used to violating the curfew warned
that nobody should be found outdoors from 10pm to 5am in the Mbouda urban area,
and from 7pm to 10pm in the assembling campus in the area of Bamboutos (camps
commando); that from 6.30pm, only the vehicles of the administrative
authorities, army and police were allowed to move. These same measures were
taken in bafang, Bangante and Dschang.
On July 6, 1961 at
the end of his tour in "Bamileke country", the minister of justice pledged to
the administrative authorities that " he will inform the head of state about
the encouraging feeling of the population about the very efficient fight against
terrorism by the authorities". The much publicised tranquillity and serenity
and the paradisaical locality of Foumban was all fake. Of the date of 16 July
1961, only the people of the inner circle, like the minister of interior,
Arouna njoya, knew that Foumban was nothing but an entrenched camp.
Introductions on preparations for the Conference
By all indications,
one can believe that the principle to hold the constitutional conference in
Foumban was adopted in the aftermath of the plebiscite of 11-12 February 1961
in the Southern Cameroons. Watch out! The Sultan of Foumban, Seidou Njoya, was
one of the very few dignitaries who were at the Yaounde airport on March 3,
1961 to welcome Foncha who had come to brief Ahidjo on the outcome of the
plebiscite. Five weeks later, precisely between 11 and 13 APRIL 1961, Ahidjo
received in his palace, one after another, Njoya Arouna, and the nephew of the
latter, Sultan Seidou Njoya of Foumban – since then, these three personalities,
even before all of them died, people have always been tight lipped about the
agenda of their meeting; but one may guess that the guidelines of the proposed
constitutional conference were discussed during the underground meetings of the
trio – Ahidjo – Seidou – Arouna. In fact, soon after that meeting, Yaounde
(Ahidjo) sent strict instructions to the administrative authorities in the
Bamoun country about the big projected event.
Without boasting his
double capacity as eye-witness and as sous prefet of Foumban at that time,
Emmanuel Njoya recounts the story as if it took place just two days ago. Let us
listen to Emmanuel Njoya, now 92 years old, who was the sous-prefet of
Foumban in
1961; hear him:
" I became an
administrative authority in 1955 as assistant DO of Foumban; from 1959 to 1963,
I was the sous-prefet of the same town. Two months before the opening of the
conference, the prefet, Jean-Marcel Mengueme, and myself were instructed and
trusted with the organisation of the conference.
So while waiting for
the politicians to come in for business, the prefet and the sous-prefet had to
resolve the tedious problem of accommodation, feeding and transport of
delegates as well as the animation of Foumban during the six days of the
conference; decent houses hosting functionaries were requested; big farmers
likeLaurent Guerpillon, Andre Blanc, Trolier et Charles Ock Dopher were
solicited and contributed by putting at our disposal either a vehicle or a
beautiful house; this local contribution was meagre compared to the huge means
that were sent from Yaounde. As I must speak the truth, we cajoled, lured and
enticed the Anglophones by our way of welcoming them; we were given so
many things
to prepare for the conference----- with all these things at our disposal, we
lured the Anglophones.
Ahidjo and Foncha
were accommodated in the Sultan's palace where the Sultan himself took care of
them. As concerns the others, we were given a special assignment to blindfold
them: so each delegate had a refrigerator in his room, which was always full of
champagnes and other assorted drinks; each big one among them had two
refrigerators in his room, had a well-made bed with the most beautiful
and expensive
mattress and beddings. In addition, there were two beautiful girls who were
assigned to permanently take care of him. These are the things which normally
should not be told- these girls were instructed to permanently take care of our
guests--that was real corruption-corruption has always existed- it has not
started today..but at that time, it was not corruption for selfish interests as
it is today..at the time it was good corruption to build the country.
As for the agenda of
the activities, it included ballroom dances every evening throughout the week;
cocktails followed by ballroom dances in Auberge de Foumban, prefet's
residence, sous-prefet's residence, Dr. Herve's residence; these were the
logistics put in place when the delegations set foot on the soil of Foumban on
July 16, 1961.
Arrival of delegations
First to arrive was
the delegation of La republique du Cameroun du premier janvier 1960, headed by
Ahmadou Ahidjo: it comprised Charles Assale (premier minister), Charles Okala
(minister des affaires etrangeres), Josue Tetang (Secretaire d'Etat a
l'Information), Christian Tobie Kuoh (Secretaire general du minister des
Affaires etrangeres), the Guinea-Conakry-born Cheick Kekou Sissoko (chef du
Secretariat particulierd'Ahmadou Ahidjo). Arouna Njoya(, Minister of interior,
had been come ahead of the delegation to supervise the preparations for the
conference.
The delegation of the
Southern Cameroons left Tiko by a twin engine plane on the same 16 July 1961
and landed at Koutaba; as soon as it landed, the delegation left for Foumban by
road where they arrived in the afternoon in the midst of an immense and
enthusiastic crowd. It was made up of John Ngu Foncha, Emmanuel Liffaffe
Endeley, Augustine Ngom Jua, Solomon Tandeng Muna, Nerius Namasso Mbile, John
Bokwe, Bernard Fonlon; ten KNDP members, five CPNC members and two Ok members,
and traditional rulers. At night fall, the delegation, still very tired after
the long tedious journey from Tiko to Foumban, found solace for their tiredness
by joining the immense crowd in singing and drinking; the ceremony was animated
by Orchestre Irenee and Victor Priso band at the Auberge de Foumban.
The next day, 17 July
1961, the delegates, highly spirited, moved into the premises of the Cours
complementaire (Teachers Training college). Consecutive speeches from Ahidjo,
Foncha and Endeley lauded the singular opportunity for the come together.
Endeley, leader of the opposition who had threatened to raise one hundred
thousand men to break away and join Nigeria during the plebiscite campaigns,
had already forgotten about that threat.
Opening the Conference by Ahidjo on July 17, 1961
Ahidjo, standing by
the edge of a very long table covered with a green cloth, opened the
constitutional conference that brought together the delegates of la Republique
du Cameroun and those of the Southern Cameroons which was still a UN Trust
Territory evolving towards the termination of the Trusteeship Agreement and
independence. Ahidjo said: "The Bamoun country which I have chosen to host this
conference, and whose chief, Sultan Seidou, is our friend whom I warmly thank
for welcoming us so heartily, is a country where one would like to go for rest
and relaxation". This is how Ahidjo justified his choice of Foumban as the
venue for the conference.
Soon after the
speeches, the trust and confidence of the Southern Cameroons delegation was
rudely shattered by Ahidjo: to the surprise of the Southern Cameroons
delegates, Ahidjo rudely requested them to make their observations on the Draft
constitution. "Which constitution?" Southern Cameroons delegates shouted! They
had thought that they had come to Foumban together with Ahidjo's delegation in
order to jointly draft a constitution for the future federal united state. They
were very embarrassed to learn that the drtaft constitution had been handed to
Foncha for screening and studying long ago; but Foncha kept the Document
secret.
The All Party
Conference that held in Bamenda a month earlier had been the occasion to screen
and debate the Ahidjo draft constitution. Mbile said: " We have the feeling
that we have waisted our time coming to Foumban for the draft to be tabled to
us for our observations in this way. This is in total contradiction to our
expectations; instead of a draft confederal constitution, we are being
requested to make observations on a draft highly centralised constitution with
unlimited powers; members of the CPNC delegation can now understand what Foncha
meant when he said in the Akwa meeting hall in Douala on 13 July 1961: "the
goals of the struggle have been completely achieved".
Ngom Jua's angry
surprise seemed to indicate that even within the KNDP everybody was not aware
of the handing of the draft constitution to Foncha. Bitter protests erupted
from all round: the protesting Southern Cameroons delegation demanded that they
should be given three more weeks to study the draft. They recalled the
constitutional conferences of London in 1953, 1957, and 1958, each of them
having lasted for at least three weeks.
Endeley warned: "Too
much haste would have far-reaching consequencies on the people of the
Cameroons".
Ngom Jua screamed: "I
have never seen people expected to write a constitution in two days!"
The tense atmosphere
of unhappiness and protests caused one journalist to write: " political
observers are wondering if it is really here in Foumban in this rowdy
atmosphere that the guidelines of a federal constitution are going to be
effectively drawn".
Finally, just after
the mid-day meal, the Southern Cameroons delegation sat down to work in
studying the Ahidjo draft constitution. The atmosphere was kafkaienne: counting
on their experience gained during the constitutional conferences in London and
Lagos (Lugard, MacPherson, Littleton constitutions) the Southern Cameroons
delegates worked really hard on the Draft brought to them from Yaounde. While
they were working in anger, distrust and suspicion, the francophones were
relaxing calmly as they had spent months to draft the constitution with the
assistance of French experts in constitutional law.
The atmosphere of the
workshop was often rowdy; from time to time delegates shouted in protest and in
anger. According to Namasso Mbile, Foncha, feeling guilty for having deprived
his colleagues of the opportunity to study the draft at the All Party
Conference in Bamenda, adapted a low profile throughout the working session.
On Thursday night,
the Southern Cameroons delegation handed the report of their work to the
francophone side: the report contained amendments demanded by the Foncha
delegation on the following points:
1. The Flag.
2. National Anthem.
3. Motto
4. Federal Capital to
be in Douala.
5. Electoral maturity
at 21.
6. Secret ballot.
7. Powers and
attributions of the federal president.
8. Presidential
mandates limited to two.
9. A federal assembly
made up of a national assembly and a senate.
10. Double
nationality.
11. Primary and
Higher education system.
12. Cancellation of
the word INDIVISIBLE from the constitution.
Unification
The next day, Friday,
July 21, 1961, the last plenary session was opened by Ahidjo with fanfare and
festivities as many traditional dance groups from all over Bamoun country had
been converging at Njinka since dawn , and the festivities went on till 4pm.
At 4pm Foncha took
the floor and congratulated everyone for the team spirit and fraternity that
prevailed during the working session.
Endeley took the
floor after Foncha and warmly thanked Sultan Seidou for the lavish welcome
given to them and expressed his high satisfaction for the success of the work;
he concluded as follows:
"Mr. President, we
shall always be completely loyal to you whenever you should request our
collaboration for the larger interests of Cameroon".
At 4.30pm, Ahidjo
took the floor to address the plenary session; he swiftly and rudely gave
answers to the demands of the Southern Cameroons delegation for amendments to
the draft constitution. A second shock awaited the Southern Cameroons
delegation: Ahidjo, in a rather dictatorial manner, brushed aside all the
demands tabled by the Southern Cameroons delegation.
He said: "The word
indivisible will be cancelled, but a clause guaranteeing the integrity of the
federation and preventing any possibility of secession shall be introduced. For
lack of big financial means, there is no room for a bicameral parliament; the
House of Chiefs will be maintained; Yaounde must remain the federal capital.
-There is no room for double nationality; -The president and the vice-president
shall be elected by universal suffrage. -While waiting for the setting up of
new institutions, the functions of the federal president and federal
vice-president
shall be performed by the president of la republique du Cameroun and the prime
minister of the Southern Cameroons"
The Foumban conference did not satisfy the prescription of
UN GA Resolution 1608 (XV) of 21 April 1961, neither in form nor in substance.
SECTION 9
The Independence of
La Republique du Cameroun du premier Janvier 1960
The United Nations,
by UNGAR 1349 – XIV of 13 March 1959 decided to grant independence to le
Territoire soustutelle l'ONU du Cameroun sous administration francaise on 1st
January 1960. The Territory did achieve independence on 1st January 1960. The
British permanent representative at the UN, Sir Andrew Cohen, represented
Britain at the independence ceremony.
A Constitutional
referendum was held on 12 February 1960. On 4 March 1960, the constitution as
approved by the referendum was promulgated.
- On 10 April 1960,
presidential elections took place: the president was elected by the Depute's at
the National Assembly. There could not be elections by universal suffrage
because there was an insurrection ravaging the country. Ahidjo had only one
opponent, Abel Eyinga, who was not residing in Cameroun but in Algeria as a
lecturer in the Faculty of Law in Algiers and France.
- On 28 January 1960,
the newly independent La Republique du Cameroun applied for UN membership.
- On 20 September
1960, by UNGA Resolution 1476 – XIV La Republique du Cameroun was granted UN
membership.
- On 6 August 1961,
the National Assembly amended the constitution of 4 March 1960 by 88 YES votes,
zero NO votes, and 6 abstentions.
- On 1st September
1961, the amended constitution was promulgated as the federal constitution of
the Federal Republic of Cameroon. This was done in total violation of the
strict and specific prescriptions of the UNGA Resolution 1608 –XV of 21 April
1961 on the projected union between La Republic du Cameroun and the Southern
Cameroons as the outcome of the UN-sponsored plebiscite of 11 and 12 February
1961 in the British Cameroons. The federal constitution of 1st September 1961
was signed by the president of La Republique du Cameroun, Ahmadou Ahidjo,
alone; never by John Ngu Foncha, the Prime Minister of the Southern Cameroons.
SECTION 10
La Republique du Cameroun and the Southern Cameroons were
not a Franco – British Condominium:
A condominium is a
Latin word meaning a house jointly managed by two equal masters. So a
condominium is a territory jointly ruled by two powers according to a treaty
they signed in international law. Examples of condominiums are: the present
island of St. Martin in the West Indies = Netherlands West Indies, Aruba –
Bonaire – Curacao – Saba – St. Martin – St. Eustache. St. Martin is jointly
ruled by France and The Netherlands. The New Hebrides (today Vanuatu) was a
Franco – British condominium; it was a bilingual French – English condominium.
But take note that a condominium is not necessarily a matter of languages: the
language factor is incidental. So a condominium could be monolingual. What is
important is its international legal status.
In the case of New
Hebrides, four months before Britain and France granted independence, a senior
citizen of the English Sector, Stephen Maleku, unilaterally proclaimed a
separate independence for the English Sector. (He wanted the territory to
achieve independence, then become a confederation of two states. As Stephen put
Britain and France before a fait accompli, while Britain was still reflecting
on the issue, France hurriedly sent 400 gendarmes from La Nouvelle – Caledonie,
a nearby French colony, to occupy Port - Vila, the capital of New Hebrides and
forcefully stopped Stephen's move. Britain bitterly complained to France,
saying that by opting unilaterally for a military solution for the
condominium's problem, France had instead complicated the situation as Moleku's
move for separate independence was based on the brutality of the French
administration.
La Republique du
Cameroun cannot even pass through a legal status of a condominium to annex the
Southern Cameroons since such locus standi does not exist. La Republique du
Cameroun has been arguing verbally and very emotionally on a non - existing
condominium. The 1961 plebiscite and the fake bilingualism crudely imposed on
both La Republique du Cameroun and the Southern Cameroons do not make
the two countries
a condominium because condominium is a matter of international law.
And not that of
Anglo-Saxon + Greco - Latin linguistics. La Republique du Cameroun has been
brandishing its de facto bilingual condominium at home but at the same time
brandishing itself as a monolingual francophone unitary state at the
international level. On one hand La Republique du Cameroun is imposing a de
facto Anglo – French condominium on two neighbouring former UN Trust
Territories with separate Trusteeship Agreements, and on the other hand
imposing a unitary state on an illegal defunct two-state federation. This is
blatant dubious contradiction!
SECTION 11
The Administration of La Republique du Cameroun in the
Southern Cameroons since 1st October 1961
According to La
Republique du Cameroun, the constitutional amendment made on 6 August 1961 on
la constitution de la Republique du Cameroun du premier janvier 1960, was meant
to accommodate the Southern Cameroons as the western part of German Kamerun. We
now know all about the German colony of Kamerun from the preceding legal
analyses. The Constitutional Amendment of Yves Bie'ville, the French jurist who
drafted the constitution of 4 March 1960, was a mockery of international law,
the international community, and the United Nations. The amended constitution
could in no way become a Treaty of Union in international law as prescribed by
UNGAR 1608 (XV) of 21 April 1961.
On the grounds of the
amended constitution, la Republique du Cameroun moved its troops and
administration
into the Southern Cameroons on 1st October 1961 and has since been ruling the
Southern Cameroons in the same brutal manner in which France ruled its portion
of the divided German Kamerun. The administration of la Republique du Cameroun
in the Southern Cameroons is null and void ab initio: it is illegitimate and
illegal. It is a civil – cum military administration. The cardinal legal
principle, tantum appelatum, quantum revelatum, meaning that the judge of the
Appeal Court cannot have the right in a civil matter to grant more than it was
requested by the Magistrate Court.
The principle does
not apply between the Southern Cameroons and la Republique du Cameroun because
la Republique du Cameroun has no right to belittle the Southern Cameroons as
its province, as if la Republique du Cameroun is the alter ego of the Southern
Cameroons. This is because the international status of the Southern Cameroons
under the League of Nations, then under the U.N.O., cannot be changed.
La Republique du
Cameroun has no right to judge positively or negatively the results of the 1961
plebiscite and use that to annex the Southern Cameroons because nemo crime sine
legi – there is no crime (offence) without a text of law which defines and
punishes the incriminating act. So by voting, and voting YES in the plebiscite,
the Southern Cameroons did not commit an offence punishable by La Republique du
Cameroun by annexation as penal punishment.
La Republique du
Cameroun has been benefiting enormously from the annexation of the Southern
Cameroons in violation of the Latin legal principle nemo nudutur propriam
turpitudi – nobody should benefit in any way whatsoever from a crime he has
committed. La Republique du Cameroun has been arguing that the Southern
Cameroons has no utis possedetis juris on 1st October 1961; that the Southern
Cameroons was an empty piece of land that La Republique du Cameroun annexed to
civilise and develop.
The argument has no
legal basis because the Southern Cameroons had utis possedetis juris -
international legal status publicly recognised. As a UN Trust Territory the
Southern Cameroons had utis possedetis juris by the Mandate of the League of
Nations, and by the UN Trusteeship Agreement.
In addition, the
Southern Cameroons was jointly administered with the Eastern Region of Nigeria
within the international legal framework of UNGA Resolution 224 – 111 on the
Administrative Union between adjacent territories under the same Administering
Authority. There is no modification of international boundaries between States
by domestic or internal law. The constitution of a state being a fundamental
internal law, la Republique du Cameroun cannot legally justify how it modified
its international boundaries, as we have demonstrated earlier, with the
Southern Cameroons for its own benefits.
The peoples of the
Southern Cameroons, in their daily life, accept all acts of constitutional law,
civil law, criminal law, and administrative law imposed on them by La
Republique du Cameroun as Actes of bienseance, that means, Acts which one does
not like, but toterates them in order to survive.
SECTION 12
The International Legal Status of the Southern Cameroons
since 1st October 1961 to date
La Republique du
Cameroun started to govern the Southern Cameroons from 1st October 1961 when
the Treaty of Union had not yet been worked out as prescribed by UNGA
Resolution 1608 –(XV) of 21 April 1961. The international legal situation in
the Southern Cameroons on 1st October 1961 was that, without a Treaty of Union,
the Southern Cameroons smoothly moved backwards from the status of a UN Trust
Territory it had from 12 December 1946 till 1st October 1961, to the status of
a UN Territory the Southern Cameroons had on 11 December 1946. In between the
adoption of the UN Resolution 63 – 111 that created the UN Trusteeship Council,
and subsequently appointed Britain as the Administering Authority for the
Southern Cameroons, and the signing of the Trusteeship Agreement No Document A
/ 152 / REV2 for the Southern Cameroons between the UN and Britain on that same
date 13 December 1946.
The formation of the
UN Trusteeship Council having abrogated the Mandates System of the League of
Nations of 1922 (and) the Trusteeship Agreement for the Southern Cameroons
therefore replaced the Mandate Britain had on the Southern Cameroons from 1922
till 13 December 1946. The situation, simplified, is that on 1st October 1961,
the Southern Cameroons had not been granted any independence, neither according
to Article 47 paragraph B of the Charter of the United Nations, nor according
to UNGA Resolution 1608 –(XV) in the 994th plenary session on 21 April 1961
which granted independence by joining whose international legal Treaty for the
projected Union had not been worked out on the date fixed for independence (1st
October 1961).
So, through a
cool-minded legal analysis, one can understand that since 1st October 1961, La
Republique du Cameroun has been forcefully occupying and governing a UN
Territory. The difference between a UN Trust Territory and a UN Territory is
that a UN Trust Territory is governed by an independent and sovereign State
according to a contract or mandate signed between the country and the UN;
whereas a UN Territory is directly governed by the UN through its permanent
representative it appoints to the Territory. The UN representative should in no
way be a native of that territory: He / she is called, the UN Administrator,
governor. As the Administering Authority, the UN Administrator governs the
territory in preparation for independence.
SECTION 13
The Way to Independence for the Southern Cameroons
1) The way to
Independence for the Southern Cameroons is in the hands of the UN. The UN
should follow the same path it took to grant independence to other UN
territories. It must be noted that the Southern Cameroons is a particular UN
Territory as it had been annexed by La Republique du Cameroun and France
through an orthodox independence-by-joining that the UN granted the Southern
Cameroons in 1961.
The Southern
Cameroons today is in the same situation as the three Baltic States (Estonia –
Lestonia – Lithuania). Let it be recalled that the latter three states were
granted independence by the League of Nations, and the independence was later
suppressed by the Soviet Union which then annexed them on the grounds that as
small neighbouring states, it was their weakness that allowed the German troops
to crush them very easily and then crossed their international boundary with
the Soviet Union into St. Petersburg. But with Glassnok and perestroika brought
by Mikail Gorbatchov, the latter states regained their lost independence
through the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation (UNPO) and the UN.
2) Another way out
for the Southern Cameroons is that the UN may simply implement the UNGA
Resolution 1514 – (XIV) of 14 December 1960 on the Granting of Independence to
Colonial Territories and Peoples.
Southern Cameroon
Free State
Southern Cameroon Stamps
FFSA
Federation of the Free States of Africa
MENU - INDEX
Contact
Secretary General
Mangovo Ngoyo
Email: africa.federation@gmail.com
www.africafederation.net
http://www.southerncameroons.org/
The area of the Southern Cameroons in Africa has a rich and
fruitful history. The actual area that it is in is in the western portion of
the African continent. The actual area dates back to the 16th century. The
actual feeling of the area as its own entity did not come about until the early
20th century.
As far as the geographical location is concerned, this area
lies east and south of Nigeria and west of the Federal Republic Republic of
Cameroon. The Mungo River also lies within the eastern boundaries of the area.
The other nearby body of water is the Atlantic Ocean which lies to the
country's south. Because of the general location of the Southern Cameroons they
have been under the watchful eye of the Nigerian nation.
Since there is such diversity in the region, the idea of
religion is also just as diverse. The religion ranges from the traditional
ritualistic religion to the Christian and Islamic faiths. The ritualistic
traditions are very spiritual. They actually believe that there may be a higher
being watching them throughout their daily lives. There are also certain
festivities and events that are backed but the traditional religion.
Sports throughout the area have also come along way. While
the solo sports have not developed much in the area, the group sporting events
have come a very long way. Soccer as a team sport has evolved a great deal.
There are now competitions among the states in the Southern Cameroons. One
other worldwide known sporting events of the area is the Buea Mountain race in
which people come from all over the world to run.
The education in the area is geared toward the future of the
students in various aspects. The main focus is training for the future areas in
which the student will work in. There are apprenticeships that are set forth in
order to provide the proper training. The amount of time spent in the
apprenticeships depends solely on the activity in which they are being trained
in. Very few make it to the university level of education. When they do make it
they are highly regarded.
The culture of the Southern Cameroons is rich in tradition.
Although there have been various European influences that have come up in its
history a majority of the people have tried to stay as true to their traditions
as possible. The ritualistic traditions as well as the religions have changed
over time but have found a way to come back into the everyday life. People of
Southern Cameroons keep rituals and tradition as the one thing that remains
unchanged in a truly developing world.
Southern Cameroons: ID Cards And Currency To Be Introduced
The Southern Cameroons National Council has announced plans
to introduce identity cards, currency and treasury bills in the region and to
sign a petition against the 'illegal occupation and colonisation' of their
territory by Cameroon.
Below is an article published in Punch Nigeria:
The Southern Cameroons National Council has announced plans
to introduce identity cards, currency and treasury bills for Bakassi and other
areas in the two formerly British-administered regions of Northwest and
Southwest regions.
SCNC coordinator for the Centre Region, Maxwell Oben, told
Africa Review magazine that more than 10,000 people across the English-speaking
Northwest and Southwest Regions commonly known as Southern Cameroons now
possess the ID cards.
He said the movement was also seeking 50,000 signatures to
back a petition it plans to lodge at the United Nations against the "illegal
occupation and colonisation" of the formerly British-administered Southern
Cameroons by the French-speaking Cameroon.
More than 6.000 signatories have already backed the appeal
and more are still doing so, Oben says.
The SCNC is also said to be planning to introduce a
currency– Ramson or Rams – for the territory. Treasury bonds that will be
exchanged for the currency "once sovereignty is attained" are already in
circulation, the activist says.
There are also plans to set up broadcast media to whip up
popular support, according to the activist.
The Efik in Cross river State (Sout South Nigeria) are one
of the groups that inhabit Bakassi, an oil rich peninsula Nigeria and Cameroon
contested for over 20 years but was finally ceded to Cameroon in a 2002
International Court of Justice ruling.
The group had been resettled inland in Cross River State
after the ruling but complained that they could not get an alternative
livelihood to fishing.
Their resolve followed Nigeria's decision to shelve calls to
review the ICJ ruling before an October 10, 2012 deadline.
http://www.ngrguardiannews.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=113196:southern-cameroons-seeks-implementation-of-verdict-on-self-determination&catid=1:national&Itemid=559
THE citizens of Southern Cameroons, through their counsel,
Okoi Obono-Obla, have written to Nigeria's Attorney General of the Federation
and Minister of Justice, Mohammed Bello Adoke (SAN), urging the Federal
Government to immediately comply with the Consent Judgment in Suit No.
FHC/ABJ/CS/30/2002 of March 25, 2002, delivered by the former Chief Judge of
the Federal High Court, Justice Roseline Ukeje, which was in their favour.
The peoples of Southern Cameroons, represented by Dr. Kevin
Ngwang Gumni, Augustine Feh Ndangam, Chief Ette Otun Ayamba, Prof. Victor
Mlkwele Ngoi, Dr. Martin Ngeka, Nfot Ngala Nfor, Hitler Mbinglo, Dogbima Henry,
K Mundam, Simon Ninpa, Shey Tafon, Paul Yiwir and Isaac Sona, had sued the
Federal Government of Nigeria at the Federal High Court, Abuja.
In the suit, the plaintiffs, through their originating
summons, urged the court to determine whether the Union envisaged under the
Southern Cameroon Plebiscite 1961 between La Republique du Cameroun and
Southern Cameroons legally took effect as contemplated by the relevant United
Nations Resolutions, particularly the United Nations General Assembly
Resolution 1352 (XIV) of October 16, 1959, and United Nations Trusteeship
Council Resolution 2013 (XXIV) of May 31, 1960.
They also want the court to determine whether the
termination by the Government of the United Kingdom of its trusteeship over the
Southern Cameroon on September 30, 1961, without ensuring prior implementation
of the constitutional arrangements under which the Southern Cameroons and La
Republique du Cameroun were to unite as one federal state, was not in breach of
Articles 3 and 6 of the Trusteeship Agreement for the Territory of the
Cameroons under British administration as approved by the United Nations
General Assembly on December 13, 1946, the United Nations General Assembly
Resolutions 1352 of October 16, 1959, 1608 of April 2, 1961, the United Nations
Trusteeship Council Resolution 2013 (XIV) of May 31, 1960, and Article 76 (b)
of the Charter of the United Nations.
The Southern Cameroons also wants the court to determine
whether the assumption of sovereign powers on October 1, 1961, and the
continued exercise of same by the government of La Republique du Cameroun over
Southern Cameroon after the termination by the government of the United Kingdom
of its trusteeship over the territory was legal and valid when the union
between Southern Cameroons and La Republique du Cameroun contemplated by the
Southern Cameroon Plebiscite 1961 had not legally taken effect.
Other issues the plaintiffs want the court to resolve in the
suit include: Whether the peoples of Southern Cameroons are not entitled to
self-determination within their clearly defined territory separate from La
Republique du Cameroun, and whether it is the Southern Cameroons and not La
Republique du Cameroun that shares a maritime boundary with the Federal
Republic of Nigeria?
But the Federal Government of Nigeria then sued for an
out-of-court settlement, which led to the delivery of the consent judgment
dated March 25, 2002, based on the agreement reached by the parties.
The consent judgment directed the Federal Republic of
Nigeria to take any measure, as may be necessary, to place the case of the
peoples of the geographical entity known as at October 1, 1960, as Southern
Cameroons, for self determination before the United Nations General Assembly
and any other relevant international organisation.
However, after waiting in vain for the implementation of the
verdict, the Southern Cameroons, in the letter dated January 27, 2013, and
served on the Attorney General on February 8, 2013, urged the Federal
Government of Nigeria, in the spirit of respect and adherence to the Rule of
Law and Constitutionalism - especially the authority and integrity of the
judicial branch of government - to take immediate steps to ensure compliance by
the Federal Government of Nigeria with the terms/directives contained in the
said consent judgment/order.
http://www.unpo.org/members/7915
http://www.unpo.org/
Cameroons
STATISTICS
Status: Occupied & unrecognized territory
Population: +/- 6 million
Areas: 43.000 km2
Language: English
Religion: Christian
UNPO REPRESENTATION: Southern Cameroons National Council
Southern Cameroons membership on UNPO is represented by
Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC).
OVERVIEW
GEOGRAPHY
Southern Cameroons is the territory bounded to the west and
north west by Nigeria, east by La Republique du Cameroun and south by the
Atlantic Ocean.
POPULATION
The population of Southern Cameroons is above five million
inhabitants.
ECONOMY
All without exception depended on nature and the land to
earn a living. In the coastal region farming, fishing and hunting denominated
the life of the inhabitants. Blessed with abundant fertile soil, farm work is
not as irksome and intensive to have a heavy yield. From the forest they had
abundant wood to build their simple houses which were roofed with palm fronts.
In the grassland region with poor fertility the people had to work a large
expanse of land to have a reasonable harvest. They also have a large variety of
food crops grown at different times of the year. Primary occupation is farming
and hunting but little fishing for want of large rivers or lakes. This culture
of handwork has been so rewarding to the men and women of the Grassland region
who happen to migrate to the Coastal or Forest region to work in the
plantations. They easily acquired land for food crops production. This has not
only introduced the food dishes of the Grassland or Graffie, but also made some
of the wealthy land owners to the envy of some indigenes.
POLITICAL SITUATION
In the coastal
region, the ethnic groups did not establish a strong central authority as is
the case in the grassland region. Family elders constituted Council of Elders
that met periodically to resolve matters affecting the inhabitants. In the
Grassland region social and political setting is far more organised. The Fons
and Ta Nfors are the centre of authority. In pre-colonial time they wielded
great authority over their subjects. As an annexed, colonised and occupied
territory, the Southern Cameroons has no political system that is a true
reflection of the legitimate aspirations of the people. The annexationist
Yaounde regime has imposed its rigid centralised system, which is
characteristically insensitive to the feelings of Southern Cameroonians.
To make Southern Cameroons a real colony and an appendage of
Yaounde, in 1972, the Southern Cameroons government was abrogated and the
territory was divided into two provinces of La Republique du Cameroun. The two
provinces are governed by two governors appointed by Presidential Decrees and
as representatives of the President, each is accountable and responsible to the
President himself. The two governors, Koumpa Issa, for the North West, and
Ejake Mbonda, for the South West, are all francophone Camerounese. Although
Southern Cameroonians fought hard, lost lives, limbs and enormous property to
bring about multiparty democracy under which they were nurtured by the British,
with the backing of France, the currently existing two hundred political
parties are not worth more than the paper on which they are registered. Most of
these mushroom political parties are sponsored by the ruling Rassemblement
Democratique du Peuples Camerounaise (RDPC). Southern Cameroonians are fit only
for sinecure posts and this explains why Ni John Fru Ndi, a Cameroonian of the
Social Democratic Font (SDF) who won the October 1992 Presidential Elections,
was denied the right to take over as President of the two Cameroons.
Determined to keep Southern Cameroons a colony of La
Republique du Cameroun, genuine democracy has been blocked by sophisticated
rigging mechanism styled "democratie avancée" to leave the people who fervently
believe in democracy, the rule of law and human freedom under an unwanted
government. Prior to annexation, Southern Cameroons as a trust territory under
United Kingdom administration, inherited the Westminster Parliamentary system.
Southern Cameroons became a self-governing trust territory in 1954 under a
democratically elected government led by Dr EML Endeley. With a genuine
democratic and constitutional evolution, in 1957, Southern Cameroons was
granted a House of Chiefs, thus like Britain, Southern Cameroons operated a
bicameral legislative system.
In 1959 through free and fair general elections, Premier
Endeley led CPNC government was defeated and he peacefully handed over to the
winner, J.N. Foncha of the KNDP. This was followed by the adoption of a new
constitution, Constitution (Order) in Council 1960, which was meant to lead
Southern Cameroons to independence. But through international colonial
conspiracy, instead of granting complete independence in conformity with Art.
76(b) of UN Charter and UN Resolution 1514 of 1960, the colonial powers misled
the UN to impose "independence by joining" either Nigeria or La Republique du
Cameroun. In addition to imposing this, the UN was led to adopt two obnoxious
questions that denied Southern Cameroons their inalienable right to
self-determination and sovereign independence.
UNPO MEMBER PERSPECTIVE
The mission of the Southern Cameroons National Council
(SCNC) is to right the wrongs of yesterday, restore Southern Cameroonians to
the dignity, their natural rights as the legitimate owners and masters of the
Southern Cameroons territory, masters of their destiny by peacefully leading
Southern Cameroons to take her deserved seat within the community of sovereign
nations. Southern Cameroons is currently a colony of La Republique du Cameroun
and in consideration of the fact that the modern world has banned colonialism,
Southern Cameroonians are legitimately entitled to international support to
oust the coloniser, namely, La Republique du Cameroun. It was in recognition
and defense of the enjoyment of this inalienable right of all peoples that
classical colonialism, foreign domination and the abolition of apartheid took
place. Southern Cameroons, the only UN Trust territory abandoned to its fate,
has been annexed, colonised and occupied by La Republique du Cameroun. It is a
victim of classical colonialism and foreign domination and should be
decolonised under international law and should receive international support.
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
EARLY HISTORY
The territory of Southern Cameroon has been subjected to
different colonial experiences - she experienced German domination, British
domination, and domination of La Republique du Cameroun. Southern Cameroons as
part of German Kamerun
Between 1885 and 1916, Southern Cameroons was part of German
Cameroon (Kamerun). German Kamerun ceased to exist with the end of World War I
and the Peace Treaty of Versailles that gave birth to the League of Nations.
British Southern Cameroons
As a result of the First World War, which pitched the
Germans against the British and French in Cameroon, the Germans were defeated
and ousted from the territory. As a result of the German defeat, the British
and French attempted a joint administration of the territory, which failed.
Consequently, the territory was partitioned by both powers. Hence, the British
took one-fifth and the French took four-fifth of the territory.
From the nature of the partition, the seed of the Southern
Cameroons problem began, namely, the minority problem. In order to conveniently
administer their own portion of Cameroon as a mandate territory of the League
of Nations, the British administered it as an integral part of Nigeria. To
better do this, they further split the territory into Northern Cameroons and
Southern Cameroons. Since the British did not consider the territory as viable,
they did very little as concerns social and economic development of the
territory. This caused the Southern Cameroons to be against the British mandate
in the territory.
The British first administered Southern Cameroons as part of
the Southern Province of Nigeria, whose headquarters was in Lagos and later;
under the Eastern Region of Nigeria, when Nigeria was divided into three
regions, namely, Northern, Western and Eastern. Therefore, Southern Cameroons
was administered from Enugu, which was the headquarters of the Eastern Region.
Under the Eastern Region, she suffered what was known as the Ibo domination.
The Ibo established their hegemony over Southern Cameroons and caused them to
be further frustrated by foreign domination. However, it was during this period
that the first parliamentary elections were organised in the territory to
choose representatives to the Eastern Regional House of Assembly and Federal
House in Lagos.
RECENT HISTORY
Following discrimination they faced as a minority group in
the assembly, they walked out in protest and declared Benevolent Neutrality in
Nigerian politics. This led to the holding of the first Southern Cameroons
Conference in Mamfe in 1953. This Conference adopted a petition addressed to
the United Kingdom Government that demanded for a separate regional
status in conformity
with Southern Cameroons' status as a UN Trust territory. It was from here that
Southern Cameroons nationalism began. This political action yielded the desired
results.
When in 1954 Southern Cameroons achieved self-governing
status, with Dr EML Endeley as first Premier, its nationalism took a
multi-facet nature. Some of its leaders thought that this was a progress that
was to lead them to regional autonomy and therefore opted for integration into
Nigeria. Some as a result of the experience they received as a colony under
another colony, namely, Nigeria, opted for independence. Some as a result of
nostalgia and influence from French Cameroun opted for unification with French
Cameroun. Unable to come to a consensus, the UN, which became the supervisory
authority of the former mandate territories, including British Cameroons
imposed two options on them. The options were: whether they would like to
achieve independence by reunifying with French Cameroon which as a result of
their independence on January 1st, 1960 became La Republique du Cameroun or
integrating with Nigeria which was already given independence too. Prior to the
plebiscite, in 1959, Southern Cameroons organised democratic elections for a
third time and effected the first peaceful and democratic transfer of power in
the 20th Century Africa.
In this election, the incumbent Premier Dr E.M.L. Endeley
and his ruling party, the CPNC were defeated and he became leader of the
Opposition in the House of Assembly. Following the UN organised plebiscite of
February 11, 1961, which was organised on the same day separately for Southern
Cameroons and Northern Cameroons, Northern Cameroons voted for integration into
Nigeria and was thus integrated, while Southern Cameroons voted for unification
with French Cameroon and was thus reunified. This began the story of
unification of the two Cameroons united in a UN-sponsored federation of two
states of equal status known as the Federal Republic of Cameroon in October
1961.
Annexation of Southern Cameroons by La Republique du
Cameroun
The Foumban Constitutional Conference of 1961, which
federated Southern Cameroons with La Republique du Cameroun was not in line
with what the UN had envisaged. According to the UN such a conference was to
involve the governments of Southern Cameroons, La Republique du Cameroun, United
Kingdom as the Administering Authority, and the UN as the Supervisory
Authority. Unfortunately, it was held without some of these parties like the UN
and Britain. Again, there was no accord signed by the two parties that
discussed in Foumban. However, the Federal Republique of Cameroon that emerged
from the Foumban Talks, was made up of two federated states, namely, the State
of West Cameroon, made up of Southern Cameroons, and the State of East
Cameroon, made up of La Republique du Cameroun. Thus, the Southern Cameroons
and La Republique du Cameroun, respectively became sub nations of the
federation, with each retaining its inherited territory, colonial political and
administrative system, legal, educational, economic and cultural systems.
From 1962 to 1972, the former President of La Republique du
Cameroun, Ahmadou Ahidjo, who became the President of the Federal Republic,
took steps to annex Southern Cameroons into La Republique du Cameroun. On May
20th, 1972, he finally organised a referendum, which violated the Talks at
Foumban. He abolished the Federal Constitution and imposed Unitary
Constitution. Hence the name of the country became United Republic of Cameroon.
Southern Cameroons lost its autonomous status it enjoyed under the federal
system and became two of the seven provinces of the unitary state. When Paul
Biya became President of Cameroon, he completed the annexation by reverting the
name of the country to Republique du Cameroun, the name by which French
Cameroon gained its independence. This led to the emergence of Southern
Cameroons' liberation movements like the Ambazonia of Fon Gorgi Dinka and
Cameroon Anglophone Movement (CAM) the climax of this was in 1993, when
Southern Cameroons liberation movements and Southern Cameroonians as a whole met
in Buea under the banner of the All Anglophone Conference (AAC I). Its aim was
to establish a Southern Cameroons stand and to press for the autonomy of
Southern Cameroons in a restored federal system. This firm stand is contained
in the Buea Declaration. Another meeting was held in Bamenda (AAC II) which
issued the Bamenda Proclamation. These declarations led to the formation of the
Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC), which is a political organisation
fighting for the statehood and sovereign independence of Southern Cameroons.
Despite the obstacles placed on the road to statehood of
Southern Cameroons, like arrest, torture, killings, forcing its nationals into
exile, blackmail, misinformation, counter-acting their action and you can name
more, it has been succeeding. For instance, it has won the admissibility stage
of the case deposited against La Republique du Cameroun in the African
Commission on Human and Peoples Rights in Banjul; won a case against Nigeria,
which obliged Nigeria to table and support its bid for independence to the
international community and recently, it has been admitted as a new member of
the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation (UNPO) in The Hague.
CULTURE AND LANGUAGE
CULTURE
Prior to the advent of Europeans and colonialism, the
territory that today constitutes Southern Cameroons was not one geo-political
entity that could equally be designated as a cultural entity. It was inhabited
by different ethnic groups with different cultures, traditions and languages. As
they differed in origin and culturally, so did they differ in outlook,
aspirations and world view. Nothing held them together as one people. The
different ethnic groups with different indigenous political systems and
religions also differed from one another in their occupational activities and
socio-economic development. Thus there was a vast difference between the
peoples of the coastal region and those of the grassland, which difference is
not only visible in art, dance and economic life but also in social
organisation and social relationships. This means that one can rightly refer to
Southern Cameroons as a multi-cultural and multi-lingual political entity
carved by the ambitious colonial masters without any recourse to the
inhabitants. In the carving of their colonial empires these empire builders
mindful of their economic interests fractionalised some ethnic groups and even
families. This greatly contributed to the weakening of cultural ties and the
capacity to resist invasion by the empire builders. To build up one large
political entity, the colonial masters had to impose its political centralising
authority from above, undermining the cultural diversity below. For an
understanding of the rich cultural diversity the following ethnic groups can be
identified (from coast to the north).
RELIGION
The Southern Cameroonians are highly religious and have a
strong Christian belief. Regarding God to be unreachable directly, they worship
him through the super natural. They believe in the omnipresence, omnipotence
and omniscience of God so he cannot be confined to cathedrals and churches.
Ancestors are not worshiped for they do not create. But since the people
fervently believe in life after death, it is believed the dead, living in the
spiritual realm are closer to the creator so he is called upon to intercede on
behalf of the living. Here ancestors serve as mediators between God and the
living. Unfortunately the European missionaries, wishing not to learn and
understand, regarded this as ancestral worship. Individual importance was
measured not so much in what he has for himself but in contribution to the
community. Men of valour were recognised as heroes and their history conserved
in music, proverbs and as passed from generation to generation by word of
mouth.
COUNTRY ETHNIC GROUPS
Fako Bakweri, Mboko, Meme Bafaw, Bakundo, Balundu, Balong,
Kupe Manenguba Bakossi, Mbo, Bassosi, Ndian Ngolo, Batanga, Ekondokondo,
Lebialem Banwa, Nweh-Mundam, Wabane, Manyu Banyang, Kenyam, Ejagham, Boki,
Ayang, Momo Widikum broken into the Metta, Menemo, Ngie, Ngwo, Menkas, Mezam
Ngemba, Chamba, Menchum Aghem, Jebah,Mnen, Boyo Kom, Bum, Ngoketunjia Tikar
(fractionalised into small different language groups), Bui Nso, Oku, Noni,
Donga – Mantung Wimbum, Mfumte, Yamba, Mbembe of Jukunoid.
In summary the Grassland Region is peopled by the Tikar,
Widekum Ngemba, Hausa and Fulani. While the rest are geographically located,
the Hausa and Fulani, who are Moslems by religion, were the late comers into
this region and are thus scattered all over. Like all human societies,
irrespective of sophistication and technological development the different
ethnic groups had their manner of organisation, settling disputes and managing
their affairs. All of these were greatly influenced by their backgrounds and
environments
http://www.scylforfreedom.org/
"Either we concentrate our energy for a serious and decisive
armed struggle to achieve our objective, or we will each fall one by one to the
blows of France's led brutal imperialism in its new and sinister form of
slavery call neo-colonialism against the African, specifically the Blackman.
They are at war with us – an open, cowardly and desperate offensive against
those who cherish and want freedom. Let us go to war against these men and
women who have impoverished our continent, bought and sold our people into
slavery, used and dumped our youths, and now still continue to hold us in
bondage as if our pains and anguish they have caused are not enough. Let us go
to war, not a war of conquest or domination, but one of revolutionary
liberation, a war between the forces of tyranny and those of freedom. In this
regard, we would be fighting, not only in self defense and the protection of
our humanity, but to free ourselves and the countless generation of children
yet unborn from the scourge of the freedom of tyranny. Make no mistake for no
one would do it for us!".
The SCYL Liberation OATH: "The Southern Cameroons Must
Win this " War!" - Therefore: I will Work, I will Serve, I will Save,
I will Sacrifice, I will Endure, I will Fight Cheerfully, And do my utmost,
Even Unto Dealth, As if the issue of the whole Struggle depended on Me Alone.
So, HELP ME GOD!"
http://www.facebook.com/pages/SCNC-The-Southern-Cameroon-National-Council/145655312168312
SCNC - The Southern Cameroon National Council
February 8
UN Resolution 1608 and the Struggle for the Restoration of
British Southern Cameroons Statehood
Tuesday, 08 January
2013 17:03
Yaoundé and its
agents to dismiss the legitimacy and legality of the SCNC struggle to restore
the statehood of British Southern Cameroons and to forever keep the latter as
its footstool, have done everything possible to distort the history of a former
UN Trust territory with clearly defined and demarcated international
boundaries. With impunity some even question dismissively if British Southern
Cameroons ever stood on its own feet as if their la Republique du Cameroun has
ever. This is in the true nature of an imperial state. But truth is infinite.
And those who fight in defense of truth are makers of progressive history and
promoters of a better humanity. They are ever winners.
For your clear
understanding we will briefly examine this topic under the following sub heads;
1) UN Resolution 1608
of April 21, 1961, its import and what it stood to guard against.
2) Implication of no
implementation of this UN Resolution.
3) The political and
constitutional status of British Southern Cameroons at the material time of
1961.
UN Resolution 1608 XV
of April 21, 1961 was adopted by the UN General Assembly as a follow up of the
successful conduct of the UN sponsored plebiscite in British Southern
Cameroons. It was in recognition and defense of the distinctive identity of
this UN Trust territory under international law. As a follow up of the UN
plebiscite it was part and parcel of the UN conducted plebiscite. It was a
legal instrument by the World Body meant to complete the exercise or experiment
of bringing two distinct UN trust territories into a federal of equal status.
This UNGA Resolution above everything else testifies to the irrefutable fact
that the plebiscite, its shortcoming of limiting the people only to two choices
notwithstanding, was inconclusive. It offered the British Southern Cameroonians
only an opportunity to indicate their choice between Nigeria, and la Republique
du Cameroun. The plebiscite vote was only a promise to be translated into a
concrete act through mutual agreements based on fair negotiations.
It is instructive to
note that for this Resolution to pass the test tube of democracy, 64 Nations
voted FOR, 23 AGAINST, and 10 Abstained. La Republique du Cameroun, supported
by France and French-speaking Africa, except Mali mindful of its hidden agenda
of annexing this UN Trust territory, voted against. By voting against, they
still exercised their democratic rights.
If la Republique du
Cameroun voted against this important UN Resolution, which "unification" or
"reunification" do they talk about today? Why did la Republique reject forming
a federal of two equal states with British Southern Cameroons? Was it not
because of their hidden agenda of annexation, colonial occupation and
assimilation which they have faithfully implemented?
Inherent in this UN
Resolution was the promotion of the democratic principle of dialogue, equality
of states, big and small, and the promotion of international cooperation to
build world peace based on justice.
This UN Resolution in
concrete terms stood out to guard against any manner of annexation,
assimilation, imperial domination of smaller states by the big and powerful
states. To ensure that it was through consensus agreement and in fulfillment of
the UN Charter, negotiations were not left in the hands of the concerned
parties, namely, British Southern Cameroons, and la Republique du Cameroun, the
Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland as the
Administering Authority of British Southern Cameroons was included. Without
doubt since at the time British Southern Cameroons was not a distinct UN Member
state, it was the UK as the Administering Authority that was to report the
outcome of negotiations to the UNGA. Indeed, it was the UK that had the
political and constitutional duty of submitting the Agreement, in other words,
the Treaty of to the UN General Secretariat in fulfillment of Art. 102 of the
UN Charter.
For reasons unknown
to the leaders and people of British Southern Cameroons this all important UN
Resolution was never implemented. The UK never gave a report to the UN on the
implementation of Resolution 1608. This implies that conditions for the
formation of the UN envisioned federal of two distinct UN Trust territories to
form the FEDERAL UNITED CAMEROON REPUBLIC of two equal states were not
fulfilled.
It is equally
important we understand that in conformity with the spirit and letter of this
UNGA Resolution, there could never have been a formed with the two distinct
trust territories, without it being a federation of two states "EQUAL IN
STATUS".
At the material time
British Southern Cameroons was a self-governing trust territory founded on
Westminster parliamentary democracy. In October 1960 it adopted its own
constitution to usher it to independence. It had been declared ripe for
independence by the UK Representative to the UN and by Commissioner J.O Field
in his speech in 1958 during the Centenary celebration of the founding of the
seaport town of Victoria.
To terminate the
Trusteeship Agreement, it was necessary that the independence of the Southern
Cameroons be voted by the UN. Speaking before the vote was taken in the 4th
Committee of the UNGA, Mr Traore (UN Permanent Representative of Mali) said,
"If the Committee voted against the date of 1 October 1961, the Assembly would
be placed in an extremely difficult position, as it would have before it a
proposal requesting independence for Southern Cameroons but not specifying any
date".
Opposed to this Mr. Okala
(Foreign Minister of la Republique du Cameroun) "strongly protested against a
vote", which he regarded as "unconstitutional". Failing to obtain wide support,
he then declared "The delegation of Cameroun would not participate in the vote
and would withdraw —" (United Nations General Assembly, XV Session, Official
Records, Wednesday, 19 April 1961, New York, p.381).
Okala's, indeed la
Republique du Cameroun's opposition to the granting of independence by the UN
before the formation of the federal by the two states, was a clear pointer to
the effect that la Republique du Cameroun had already adopted a hidden agenda
for the annexation of Southern Cameroons. Here la Republique du Cameroun back
paddled on the pledge Mr. Ahmadou Ahidjo made at the UN in 1959 declaring that
they were "not annexationists." La Republique du Cameroun wanted the UN to hand
over Southern Cameroons to it for outright annexation and colonisation. But we
know that the UN is not an agent for the annexation of small weak
states by powerful
states. The mission of the UN is to guarantee freedom for all peoples and
equality of all nations without which they can be no world democracy and peace.
The date 1 October
1961 as Independence Day of Southern Cameroons was put to vote. It was
overwhelmingly
approved by 50 "YES", 2 "NO" and 12 Abstentions by the powerful 4th Committee
of the UN GA. 1st October 1961 was voted as Southern Cameroons INDEPENDENCE
DAY. A Trust territory accedes to independence upon termination of trusteeship.
To my mind it is only the UN that can testify as to whether trusteeship in
British Southern Cameroons was terminated on 1st October 1961 or it was not.
As UNGA Resolution
1608 of April 21, 1961 was not implemented, it is conclusive that there was no
federal
Constitution debated
by the two distinct parliaments and signed into law by their respective elected
leaders and no
Act of signed to form
the Federal United Cameroon Republic by J.N. Foncha for the British Southern
Cameroons, and by
Ahmadou Ahidjo for la Republique du Cameroun. Some of our fathers for example,
J. N.
Foncha, S. T. Muna,
E. T.Egbe, among others, have stated clearly that no legal instrument exists
binding Southern
Cameroons and la
Republique du Cameroun together. The idea of Southern Cameroons signing a blank
cheque
(which some lackeys
defend cannot be revoked) does not therefore arise.
The current struggle
is to restore the one and indivisible British Southern Cameroons that has been
annexed and colonially occupied by the one and indivisible la Republique du
Cameroun, that is, le Camerounaise française which attained independence from
France on January 1st 1960. The will of the people is supreme.
by NFOR, NGALA NFOR
10 June 2010 Secretary-General
SG/SM/12951/Rev.1*
AFR/1993/Rev.1*
Department of Public Information • News and Media Division •
New York
Secretary-General, Addressing Cameroon National Assembly,
Calls for Political
Will Needed to Help Africa Meet Millennium Development Goals
Following are UN Secretary-General Ban-Ki moon's remarks to
the National Assembly of Cameroon, in Yaoundé today, 10 June:
Thank you for your warm welcome and for the productive
meetings we have had on a wide range of topics.
Wherever I go in the world, I also try to visit lawmakers. I seek out
the parliaments of the world. Parliaments make the laws. They
express the diversity of any nation.
Before I begin my speech, allow me, Mr. President of the
National Assembly, to tell you how saddened I am by the disappearance this very
day of His Excellency Ferdinand Leopold Oyono, former minister, renowned
author, and former Permanent Representative of Cameroon to the United Nations
in New York. I convey to his family, and
to the Government and people of Cameroon, my most sincere condolences.
That diversity is especially evident here in Cameroon — "
Africa in miniature" — thanks to your rich ethnic, linguistic, geographical and
religious diversity. It is through
parliaments that the people's voices are heard.
And those voices, together, become the voice of any robust democracy.
It is a privilege to be here at this moment. This year, you celebrate
50 years of
independence. Fifty years of Africa's
growing presence on the international stage.
We have seen it in the field of politics, peace and security. And,
this month, we will see it on another
field of play. The World Cup will
showcase Africa.
Bafana Bafana, the host country team of South Africa. Les Fennecs
from Algeria. Côte d'Ivoire's Elephants and the Black Stars
of Ghana. Nigeria's Super Eagles. And, of course, the Indomitable Lions.
Allow me to congratulate four of the Lions for their good
services. Each of them is a Goodwill
Ambassador for the Millennium development Goals: the captain Samuel
Eto'o, Junior; Alexandre
Song; Rigobert Song; and Idriss Carlos Kameni.
They are ambassadors of whom Cameroon can be proud.
Tomorrow I fly to Johannesburg for the opening game. I do not claim
to be a sports expert. But I can let you in on a secret. I already
know the winner of the World
Cup. The real victor will be
Africa. I am so excited to be on the
continent. To experience the pride. To feel the energy. To tap into
the hope. To look forward together.
Today, I would like to focus on the opportunities and
obligations I see ahead; both the promises to Africa, and the promise of
Africa.
The United Nations relationship with Cameroon is as old as
the Organization itself. Cameroon joined
the United Nations 50 years ago, but our bonds stretch back to 1946 and the
United Nations Trusteeship Council.
Through the years, our partnership has grown. Today, Cameroon is a
generous contributor to
United Nations peace operations. More
than 130 of Cameroon's finest are serving as police officers from Burundi to
Côte d'Ivoire, from Sudan to Haiti.
Cameroon is host to 100,000 refugees, many from the Central
African Republic. And together with
Nigeria, Cameroon has provided the world with a model for the peaceful
resolution of disputes. Both countries
have committed to the 2002 ruling of the International Court of Justice, as
well as the 2006 Greentree Agreement, on the settlement of their border
dispute.
Your leadership has shown that, with the support of the
United Nations, peace and common understanding can prevail. Your
significant investment in the Bakassi
peninsula is testament to your determination.
The United Nations stands ready to offer its full support as you
consolidate peace and strengthen cooperation in the region.
Cameroon is also helping to show the world that the
Millennium Development Goals are within reach.
You have made significant progress in reducing extreme poverty. You
are working to make sure every child is
in primary school. Some may call
progress like this a miracle. But there
is nothing miraculous about it.
It is the result of one simple truth: That is, where we try, we
succeed. When we don't try, we fail. I saw the same today in
Mbalmayo. I met women being empowered to help
themselves and others; a community radio station that is helping to lift a
whole community; and a water project that is providing a sound foundation for
health.
What I saw today showed what can be achieved when partners
take comprehensive and coherent action; when partners stand together against
poverty, hunger and disease. I will take
these lessons to the G-20 summit in Canada in July and the Millennium
Development Goals Summit in September in New York.
The message is simple.
Africa can achieve the Millennium Development Goals. Africa has
boundless potential, amazing human
and material wealth, 1 billion people, more than half of whom are under the age
of 30. As I see it, delivering for the
people of Africa is a matter of commitment.
Africa's people need neither pity nor charity. They need only the
tools to create jobs and
generate incomes.
Developed countries should make good on promises to double
aid to Africa, promises made repeatedly at summit meetings of the G-8 and G-20
and at the United Nations. There must
also be more room for free trade.
Africa's products should not be priced out of markets by heavy import
taxes.
Africa's farmers should not have to run up against unfair
agricultural subsidies. Africa's
Governments must be empowered to scale up investments in agriculture, water,
education, health and infrastructure. At
September's Millennium Development Goals Summit, I will call on Governments to
develop a results-oriented action plan, with concrete steps and timelines.
As the Cameroonian proverb teaches us: "A chattering bird
builds no nest." We need less talk, more
action. That is why we will showcase
success stories, scale them up, create partnerships that will allow us to do
even more. Africa needs true
partnership, partnerships where donors listen to recipients and tailor their
assistance to Africa's needs.
Maternal health is the Millennium Development Goal where we
have lagged furthest behind. Yet if we
can succeed here, we will touch off a virtuous "ripple effect" through all the
Goals. We need to combine the efforts of
donors and recipients with private sector and civil society
initiatives. This week, I announced a plan in Washington,
D.C., that does just that.
Before I came here, I attended a big international
conference titled "Women Deliver".
There, with a United Nations initiative, we adopted a Joint Action Plan
to help women and girls from dying needlessly of diseases, from complications
of pregnancies, and from preventable diseases.
One woman dies every minute.
Two children die every minute.
That is just unacceptable. That
is social injustice, political and moral injustice. We must prevent
it. I have asked for $15 million by next year and
$45 million additional by 2015 to help the capacity-building to prevent this
maternal mortality and child mortality.
We know that climate change is a threat to development, a
threat to stability and a particular threat to Africa. Cameroon and
other members of the Lake Chad
Basin Commission have voiced valid and legitimate concerns over the dramatic
decrease in water levels of this vital source.
Africa needs help in reducing its vulnerability. Last year's
Copenhagen Climate Conference
marked a significant step forward in a number of areas: a goal of limiting
global temperature rise to within 2° C by 2050; mitigation actions by all
countries; progress on addressing deforestation and forest degradation; funding
for developing countries for adaptation and mitigation.
My High-Level Advisory Group on Climate Change Financing is
working to mobilize new and innovative public and private funding to reach our
annual $100 billion target by 2020. This
funding will support mitigation and adaptation strategies in developing
countries. It will help countries like
Cameroon to reach the Millennium Development Goals.
I have spoken about the developed world's responsibilities
in keeping the Millennium promise. But
Africa, too, has a promise to keep.
Sustainable development can only be built on the firm bedrock of peace
and good governance.
Over recent years, Africa has moved steadily from a
principle of "non-interference" in one another's affairs towards a new and more
modern principle of "non-indifference".
We must keep and build on this momentum.
The organization of peaceful, credible and transparent
elections is critical. We cannot allow
the will of the people to be thwarted by electoral fraud. We cannot
accept unconstitutional changes of
Government. We cannot permit endless
manipulations of the law to preserve the privileges of those in power.
We cannot turn a blind eye to corruption,
nepotism and tyranny.
Nor can we stay quiet when people are denied fundamental
rights. Without durable peace there will
be no sustained development. Without
sustained development, Africa will not attain the Millennium Development
Goals. And without achieving the
Millennium Development Goals, Africa will not find the promise and prosperity
that its people so richly deserve.
The United Nations is your partner — as mediator,
peacekeeper and peacebuilder. Only by
living together as good neighbours — as individuals, as communities and as
nations — can we fulfil the promise of the United Nations Charter. In
this pursuit, I assure you, the United
Nations will always be your ally.
For peace and security, for development and human rights,
the United Nations will be with you every step of the way.
Thank you for this honour.
And thank you for your commitment to the important work ahead.
* *** *
__________
* Reissued to
reflect remarks as delivered.
For information media • not an official record
Preventive Diplomacy at the United Nations
By Bertrand G. Ramcharan
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A view of the Security Council chamber during the first-ever
summit-level meeting on 31 January 1992. UN PHOTO/MILTON GRANT
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has given courageous
leadership on the issue of global climate change that would be put into the
category of preventive diplomacy.
The idea of preventive diplomacy has captivated the United
Nations ever since it was first articulated by Secretary-General Dag
Hammarskjöld nearly half a century ago. Preventive diplomacy was presaged by
Article 99 of the United Nations Charter, which allowed the Secretary-General
to bring to the Security Council's attention threats to international peace and
security. From the outset of the United Nations, Secretary-General Trygve Lie
used the competence under this Article to gather information about situations,
to establish contacts with those concerned, to send emissaries to look closely
at situations, and to do whatever he could to head off or contain crises of
international concern.
Secretary-General Dag
Hammarskjöld knew that the United Nations could do little where there was a
direct clash of interests between the superpowers during the Cold War. But he
had in mind that, if the opportunity presented itself, he might be able to head
off disputes between lesser powers and prevent them from the gravitational pull
of the superpowers contest. Hammarskjöld put down markers on the practice of
preventive diplomacy that are still very much in use today. He would decide if
his efforts might be useful. Judgment was always involved; there was no
automaticity about his involvement. He used representatives, whom he sent out
on special missions or outposted in particular situations. He had in mind the
deployment of a ring of representatives around the world.
Secretary-General U
Thant moved Hammarskjöld's vision forward. His role in preventing a nuclear
confrontation over the Cuban Missile Crisis must rank as the most spectacular
example of preventive diplomacy in the annals of the United Nations. The UN
archives contain dramatic materials on his efforts. I will revert to this
later.
Secretary-General
Kurt Waldheim continued the practice of preventive diplomacy. He had his
successes in the border disputes between Iran and Iraq in the 1960s. He
resorted to appeals in dangerous situations such as the 1973 Arab-Israeli War.
He acted speedily in dispatching UN peacekeepers to contain and control that
situation and was praised for his efforts.
Secretary-General
Javier Pérez de Cuéllar acted successfully when he sent a discreet fact-finding
mission to Bulgaria and Turkey in 1989 to help head off the deterioration of a
dispute between the two countries. He called for the maintenance of a
comprehensive global watch over threats to human security and welfare, and
established a unit within the Office of the Secretary-General dedicated to the
collection and analysis of information intended to help the Secretary-General
provide alerts to the Security Council over situations that could threaten or
breach international peace and security.
Secretary-General
Boutros Boutros-Ghali took over shortly after the end of the Cold War when
there were hopes of a new world order. In January 1992, the first-ever summit
meeting of the Security Council requested a report from him on the future role
of the United Nations in conflict prevention, peacemaking, and peacekeeping,
which led him to submit the widely-acclaimed An Agenda for Peace. Boutros-Ghali
practiced preventive diplomacy in cases such as the war between Eritrea and
Yemen, and he supported the establishment of the first ever preventive
deployment of UN peacekeepers in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.
Secretary-General
Kofi Annan furthered the work of his predecessors and submitted three reports
on the topic. He exercised preventive diplomacy successfully in the
border conflict
between Cameroon and Nigeria over the Bakassi Peninsula.
Current
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has taken forward the practice of preventive
diplomacy at the UN, and has given courageous leadership on the issue of global
¬climate change that would be put into the category of preventive diplomacy. He
has also submitted reports to the General Assembly on preventive diplomacy.
U THANT'S PREVENTIVE DIPLOMACY DURING THE CUBAN MISSILE
CRISIS
Historians
acknowledge that the Cuban Missile Crisis was the most dangerous period in
human history, when the world came closest to blowing itself up during thirteen
days, from 16 to 28 October 1962. On 22 October, President John F. Kennedy
announced that he had ordered a naval quarantine around Cuba to come into force
on 24 October. American and Soviet naval vessels came into close proximity with
a USSR submarine captain authorized, as is now known, to use nuclear weapons in
defence of Soviet ships or in self-defence. The efforts of UN Secretary-General
U Thant contributed greatly to defusing the crisis.
On 24 October 1962,
in his address to the Security Council, U Thant stressed that what was at stake
was the very fate of mankind. He called for urgent negotiations between the
parties directly involved and informed the Council that he had sent urgent
appeals to President Kennedy and Premier Nikita Khruschev for a moratorium of
two to three weeks. On the part of the USSR, it would entail the voluntary
suspension of all arms shipments to Cuba. On the part of the United States, it
would entail the voluntary suspension of the quarantine, especially the
searching of ships bound for Cuba. He also appealed to the U.S. President and
the Prime Minister of Cuba to suspend the construction and development of major
military facilities and installations in Cuba during the period of negotiation.
He offered to make himself available to all parties concerned for whatever
services he might be able to perform.
On 25 October 1962,
Premier Khruschev wrote to U Thant accepting his proposal. President Kennedy
also wrote that day that, while he appreciated the spirit that had prompted U
Thant's message, the key to the solution of the crisis lay in the removal of
the weapons from Cuba. Soviet vessels continued on their way to the quarantined
waters. That very day, U Thant followed up with an urgent appeal to the two
leaders. He was concerned that Soviet ships already on their way to Cuba might
challenge the quarantine and produce a confrontation between Soviet and United
States vessels, thereby destroying the possibility of negotiations. He
therefore requested Premier Khruschev to instruct any Soviet ships already
sailing toward Cuba to stay away from the interception area for a limited time.
He also asked President Kennedy to instruct United States vessels in the
Caribbean to do everything possible to avoid direct confrontation with Soviet
ships. To each, he stated that if he received the assurance sought, he would
inform the other side of it.
President Kennedy
immediately accepted his proposal, contingent upon acceptance by the Soviet
Government. Premier Khruschev also accepted the moratorium. He informed U Thant
that he had ordered Soviet vessels bound for Cuba to stay out of the
interception area temporarily. The next day, on 26 October, U Thant sent a
message to Prime Minister Fidel Castro of Cuba informing him of the encouraging
responses he had received to his appeals and asking that construction of major
military installations in Cuba, and especially those designed to launch medium–
and intermediate–range ballistic missiles, be suspended during the period of
negotiations.
After the American
and Soviet acceptances of U Thant's appeal, and during the crucial time he had
obtained for them, President Kennedy and Premier Khruschev had their own
exchange, through letters and messengers, and managed to reach an agreement on
the formula that eventually ended the missile crisis. U Thant traveled to Cuba
from 30 to 31 October 1962 for meetings with Cuban leaders. His visit was of
importance inasmuch as it gave the Cuban leaders an opportunity to let off
steam.
As the agreement was being
consolidated, President Kennedy, in his letter of 28 October 1962 to Premier
Khruschev wrote: "The distinguished efforts of Acting Secretary-General U Thant
have greatly facilitated both our tasks." When all of the details had been
settled and the crisis was over, the American and Soviet negotiators sent a
joint letter to U Thant that said: "On behalf of the Government of the United
States of America and the Soviet Union, we desire to express to you our
appreciation for your efforts in assisting our Governments to avert the serious
threat to peace which arose in the Caribbean area."
THOUGHTS FOR THE FUTURE
In 1987, Secretary-General Pérez de Cuéllar advocated that
the United Nations system should maintain a Comprehensive Global Watch over
threats to human security. This idea retains its value and should be revived.
The United Nations has regional conflict prevention centres in some parts of
the world, such as West Africa and Central Asia. It would be sound policy to
establish more of these centres. Enhanced cooperation with regional and
sub-regional conflict prevention mechanisms would also be worthwhile. It is
also important to increase the staff of the Department of Political Affairs for
preventive work.
The
Secretary-General, spearheading the roles of the United Nations High
Commissioner for Human Rights and of his Special Advisers on the Responsibility
to Protect and the Prevention of Genocide, should foster diplomacy of democracy
and human rights at the country level. This would facilitate conflict
prevention.
The alleviation of
extreme poverty is crucial, as is the empowerment of women. These are issues of
strategy, as well as of justice. Enhancing human dignity is key to successful
prevention.
The idea of
preventive diplomacy is one of the great UN ideas that will be around for as
long as the world organization exists; for behind it is a simple faith that
whatever might be done to prevent crises or conflicts should be considered.
For further reading see: Bertrand G. Ramcharan Preventive
Diplomacy at the UN. UN Intellectual History project, 2008; and the first UN
Secretariat draft of An Agenda for Peace: Preventive Diplomacy, peacemaking and
peacekeeping.
http://www.un.org/africarenewal/web-features/cameroon-celebrates-its-50th-anniversary
Cameroon
celebrates its 50th anniversary
0
18 January 2012
Topics:
Africa
Cameroon
50th anniversary
independence
Author:
Ernest Harsch
School children march in celebrations marking Cameroon's
50th anniversary of independence.
Photograph: UN Africa Renewal / Ernest Harsch
Yaoundé — The central streets and roundabouts of Cameroon's
hilly capital were adorned with banners, flowers and coloured light displays as
thousands of soldiers and other citizens marched in a festive parade on 20 May
to mark a half century since the country first gained its national sovereignty.
"Cameroon is free and independent," declared a large parade sign. "Unity and
solidarity," "long live national integration," "development of Cameroonian
women" and many other slogans featured on the placards of succeeding
contingents.
Among people in Yaoundé's poorer outlying districts, there
also was some expression of pride, especially during local parades that wound
down their dusty streets in the days leading up to the national commemoration.
But with jobs limited and the prices of basic foodstuffs and other necessities
painfully high, many were more preoccupied with the struggle to simply get by.
And as President Paul Biya reminded Cameroonians in a national address kicking
off the 50th anniversary events, "it must be admitted that the most vulnerable
part of our population, especially in the rural areas, has not seen its
conditions improve significantly" since independence.
Cameroon was not alone in achieving its freedom 50 years
ago, in 1960. Sixteen other African countries — mostly former French colonies
but also Nigeria, Somalia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) — also
attained their sovereignty that year. A number of their leaders joined the
dignitaries on the reviewing platform at the 20 May parade or attended the
opening of a two-day international conference that preceded the event. They
included the presidents of Algeria, Burkina Faso, Central African Republic,
Chad, Congo Republic, Côte d'Ivoire, DRC, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, and São
Tomé and Príncipe. Cameroon's powerful neighbour to the north, Nigeria, was
represented not only by recently inaugurated President Goodluck Jonathan, but
also by former presidents Olusegun Obasanjo and Yakubu Gowon.
Regional peace, domestic strains
Nigeria's high-profile presence in Yaoundé was a tribute to
how much relations between the two countries have improved. In 1981 Nigeria and
Cameroon nearly went to war over the disputed Bakasi Peninsula, followed by
more armed clashes in the 1990s and Nigerian military occupation. Although the
International Court of Justice ruled in 2002 that Bakasi belonged to Cameroon,
it took several more years and concerted UN mediation before Nigeria agreed to
implement the ruling and finally withdrew in 2008. The peaceful resolution of
that border conflict was especially notable for a region of Africa that has
seen so many wars and insurgencies.
Unlike many of its neighbours, Cameroon itself has remained
at relative peace — that is, after the bloody years that marked its birth as an
independent state. Before France finally agreed to end its administrative rule,
radical pro-independence insurgents led by Ruben Um Nyobé fought a tenacious
struggle for sovereignty in the late 1950s, but were militarily defeated.
President Ahmadou Ahidjo, who came to power with French backing, continued
counter-insurgency operations against the remnants of the rebellion into the
early 1970s. That experience reinforced the authoritarian tendencies of the
government, which also centralized the Cameroonian state in 1972 by abolishing
a federal system that was established in 1961 when an Anglophone territory
previously administered by the UK voted to join Cameroon.
That history has left a lasting and controversial legacy.
During the 20 May parade, members of a political party claiming allegiance to
the early pro-independence insurgents were barred from carrying portraits of Um
Nyobé and other rebel leaders. Activists of another party, the largest
opposition group in parliament, unfurled signs calling for a return to
federalism and denouncing the electoral commission as biased in favour of
President Biya's party.
A number of Cameroonians — opposition supporters,
independent journalists, academics and even some members of the ruling party —
openly express disillusionment with the country's seeming political stagnation,
despite the return to multiparty politics in the early 1990s. President Biya
has been in office for 28 years, ever since Mr. Ahidjo stepped down after an
illness in 1982. The constitution was amended in 2008 to permit the 77-year-old
incumbent to run for re-election yet again in 2011.
Economic ups and downs
Government supporters argue that such prolonged political
stability has been an important factor in the country's economic and social
achievements. With a population of 20 million, Cameroon is rich in timberland
and waterways, exploits notable oil deposits and other mineral resources and
has a diversified manufacturing sector. Its per capita gross domestic product
is among the top 10 in sub-Saharan Africa.
But like many of its neighbours, Cameroon remains vulnerable
to external economic shocks. As President Biya has noted, these include
deteriorating terms of trade, a slowdown in growth in Europe and Asia (to which
Cameroon sells many of its exports) and erratic price fluctuations for oil and
other raw materials. "All these phenomena have had negative consequences for
our economy," he said.
In recent years, Cameroon's economic growth rates have
generally been below the sub-Saharan average. Nearly 58 per cent of its people
earn less than US$2 a day, and a third under US$1.25 a day. In 2008, sharply
higher food and fuel prices prompted serious rioting in Yaoundé, Douala and
more than two dozen other towns.
According to numerous analysts, such problems are worsened
by Cameroon's high levels of income inequality and its pervasive corruption.
Although scores of government officials, including several ministers, have been
arrested on charges of embezzlement and fraud under an anti-corruption
crackdown known as Operation Sparrowhawk, Cameroon continues to be ranked by
Transparency International and other groups among the more corrupt countries in
Africa.
On the positive side, Cameroon has invested heavily in
education. After some deterioration in the 1990s resulting from budgetary
constraints, government spending began to increase in 2000, leading to the
construction of thousands of new classrooms, higher salaries for teachers and
the abolition of fees for primary school students. The country's enrolment
ratios are comparable to the average for sub-Saharan Africa, and its literacy
rate is slightly above the average. Cameroon now has 190,000 students in its
seven universities, compared with just 1,000 university students in 1961.
In the hopes that these young Cameroonians will eventually
be able to find jobs, the government has recently launched a 10-year "growth
and employment" strategy. It aims to increase investments in roads, power
networks and other infrastructure, modernize aging industries and strengthen
health, education and professional training.
— Africa Renewal online
http://www.un.org/africarenewal/web-features/cameroon-celebrates-its-50th-anniversary
Trust
and Non-Self-Governing Territories (1945-1999)
http://www.un.org/en/decolonization/nonselfgov.shtml
Trust and Non-Self-Governing Territories (1945-1999)
The following
Territories have been subject to United Nations Trusteeship Agreements or were
listed by the General Assembly as Non-Self-Governing. Dates show the
year of independence
or other change in a Territory's status, after which information was no longer
submitted to the United Nations.
- Administering
States -
| AUSTRALIA | BELGIUM | DENMARK | FRANCE | ITALY |
NETHERLANDS |
| NEW ZEALAND |
PORTUGAL | SOUTH AFRICA | SPAIN | UNITED KINGDOM | UNITED STATES |
Administering Power/ Authority
Territory
Status
Year
Australia
Cocos (Keeling) Islands
Change in Status
1984
Papua
Independence as Papua New Guinea
1975
Nauru
Trust Territory
Independence
1968
New Guinea
Trust Territory
Independence as Papua New Guinea
1975
Belgium
Belgian Congo
Independence as Congo Leopoldville, then Zaire
Now Democratic
Republic of the Congo
1960
Ruanda-Urundi
Trust Territory
Independence as Burundi
1962
Independence as Rwanda 1962
Denmark
Greenland Change
in Status
1954
France
French Equatorial Africa Independence
as Chad
1960
Independence
as Gabon 1960
(Middle Congo) Independence
as Congo (Brazzaville)
Now Republic of the
Congo 1960
(Ubangi Shari) Independence
as Central African Republic 1960
French Establishments in India
Change in Status
1947
French Establishments in Oceania
Change in Status
1947
French Guiana Change in
Status
1947
French Somaliland
Independence as Djibouti
1977
French West Africa
Independence as Dahomey
Now Benin
1960
(French Guinea) Independence
as Guinea 1958
(French Sudan) Independence
as Mali 1960
Independence
as Ivory Coast 1960
Independence
as Mauritania 1960
(Niger Colony) Independence
as Niger 1960
Independence
as Senegal 1960
Independence
as Upper Volta
Now Burkina-Faso 1960
Guadeloupe and Dependencies Change
in Status
1947
Indo-China
Independence as Cambodia
1953
Independence as Laos 1949
Independence as Viet Nam 1945
Madagascar and Dependencies
Independence as Madagascar
1960
Independence as Comoros 1975
Martinique
Change in Status
1947
Morocco
Independence
1956
New Caledonia 1 and Dependencies
Change in Status
1947
New Hebrides
(Under Anglo-French
Condominium)
Independence as Vanuatu
1980
Reunion
Change in Status
1947
St. Pierre and Miquelon
Change in Status
1947
Tunisia
Independence
1956
Cameroons
Trust Territory
Independence as Cameroon
1960
French Togoland
Trust Territory
Independence as Togo
1960
Italy
Somaliland
Trust Territory
Independence as Somalia (joined with British Somaliland)
1960
Netherlands
Netherlands Indies
Independence as Indonesia
1949
Netherlands New Guinea
Joined with Indonesia as Irian Jaya
1963
Netherlands Antilles
Change in Status
1951
Surinam
Change in Status
1951
Independence as Suriname 1975
New Zealand
Cook Islands
Change in Status
1965
Niue Island
Change in Status
1974
Western Samoa
Trust Territory
Independence as Samoa
1962
Portugal
Angola, including the enclave of Cabinda
Independence
1975
Cape Verde Archipelago
Independence as Cape Verde
1975
Goa and Dependencies
Change in Status
1961
Portuguese Guinea
Independence as
Guinea Bissau
1974
Macau and Dependencies
Change in Status
1972
Mozambique
Independence
1975
Sao Joمo Batista de Ajuda
Change in Status
1961
Sao Tome and Principe
Independence
1975
East Timor 2
Independence as Timor Leste
2002
South Africa
South West Africa
General Assembly terminated South Africa's mandate
1966
Independence as Namibia 1990
Spain
Fernando Póo and Rí Muni
Independence as Equatorial Guinea
1968
Ifni
Change in Status
1969
United Kingdom
Aden Colony and Protectorate
Independence as South Yemen
1967
Bahamas
Independence
1973
Barbados
Independence
1966
Basutoland
Independence as Lesotho
1966
Bechuanaland Protectorate
Independence as Botswana
1966
British Guiana
Independence as Guyana
1966
British Honduras
Independence as Belize
1981
British Somaliland
Independence as Somalia (joined with Italian Somaliland)
1960
Brunei
Independence
Now Brunei Darussalam
1984
Cyprus
Independence
1960
Fiji
Independence
1970
Gambia
Independence as The Gambia
1965
Gilbert and Ellice Islands Colony
Independence as Kiribati
1979
Independence as Tuvalu 1978
Gold Coast Colony and Protectorate
Independence as Ghana
1957
Hong Kong
Change in Status
1972
Jamaica
Independence
1962
Kenya
Independence
1963
Leeward Islands
(Antigua) Independence
as Antigua
and Barbuda 1981
(St. Kitts- Nevis-Anguilla) Independence
as St. Kitts and Nevis (separated from Anguilla) 1983
Malayan Union
Independence as Federation of Malaya
Now Malaysia [3]
1957
Malta
Independence
1964
Mauritius
Independence
1968
Nigeria
Independence
1960
North Borneo 3
Change in status
1963
Northern Rhodesia
Independence as Zambia
1964
Nyasaland
Independence as Malawi
1964
Sarawak 3
Change in status
1963
Seychelles
Independence
1976
Sierra Leone
Independence
1961
Singapore 3
Independence
1965
Solomon Islands
Independence
1978
Southern Rhodesia
Independence as Zimbabwe
1980
Swaziland
Independence
1968
Trinidad and Tobago
Independence
1962
Uganda
Independence
1962
Windward Islands
(Dominica) Independence
as Dominica 1978
(Grenada) Independence
as Grenada 1974
(St. Lucia) Independence
as St. Lucia 1979
(St. Vincent) Independence
as St. Vincent and the Grenadines 1979
Zanzibar
Independence 4 as United Republic of Tanganyika and Zanzibar
Now Republic of
Tanzania
1963
Cameroons
Trust Territory
Northern Cameroons joined with Nigeria
1961
Southern Cameroons joined with Cameroon 1961
Togoland
Trust Territory
Joined Gold Coast to form Ghana
1957
Tanganyka
Trust Territory
Independence 3 as United Republic of Tanganyika and Zanzibar
after joining
with Zanzibar
Now Republic of
Tanzania
1963
United States
Alaska
Change in Status
1959
Hawaii
Change in Status
1959
Panama Canal Zone
Change in Status
1947
Puerto Rico
Change in Status
1952
Pacific Islands
Trust Territory
Change in Status as Federated Sates of Micronesia
1990
Change in Status as Republic of the Marshall Island 1990
Change in Status as Northern Mariana Islands 1990
Change in Status as Palau 1994
--
The thing always happens that you really believe in; and the belief in
a thing makes it happen.
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------------------>THE TRIAD PRINCIPLE<-------------------------
**Only when we acknowledge and remain steadfast to the TRUTH**
**Only when we recognize and never negotiate away our RIGHTS**
**Only when we accept the realities of our one and unique IDENTITY**
Only by adopting these TRIAD principles of survival and propagation
Can we expect to harness and maintain the power that belong to us as the people, the nation, the state and as the REPUBLIC OF AMBAZONIA (The United Nations Trust Territory of the Southern Cameroons under United Kingdom Administration).
THIS IS OUR INALIENABLE RIGHT WHICH MUST BE RESTORED BY EVERY 'MEANS' POSSIBLE! We have only two options, the AMBAZONIA's Sovereignty-equality/Sovereignty-recognition model (the option-ONE) is here to enable us take advantage of the law as we mobilize our people to recognizing their rights to their AMBAZONIAN nationality. The other alternative left for us is the conflict model [option TWO], which still must be FULLY ENGAGED recognizing that it has its own set rules! CAUTION!! we must get our people "hurriedly" mobilized TO ACTUALIZED THEIR RIGHTS TO THEIR NATIONALITY as AMBAZONIANS and not fight Cameroon as 'southern cameroonians". To call ourselves 'SOUTHERN CAMEROONIANS', can hardly be recognized by observers as an act of "self-determination". It is time to think SMARTER even while we get ANGRIER!
To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to:
FREE_Ambazonians-unsubscribe@egroups.com
**Only when we acknowledge and remain steadfast to the TRUTH**
**Only when we recognize and never negotiate away our RIGHTS**
**Only when we accept the realities of our one and unique IDENTITY**
Only by adopting these TRIAD principles of survival and propagation
Can we expect to harness and maintain the power that belong to us as the people, the nation, the state and as the REPUBLIC OF AMBAZONIA (The United Nations Trust Territory of the Southern Cameroons under United Kingdom Administration).
THIS IS OUR INALIENABLE RIGHT WHICH MUST BE RESTORED BY EVERY 'MEANS' POSSIBLE! We have only two options, the AMBAZONIA's Sovereignty-equality/Sovereignty-recognition model (the option-ONE) is here to enable us take advantage of the law as we mobilize our people to recognizing their rights to their AMBAZONIAN nationality. The other alternative left for us is the conflict model [option TWO], which still must be FULLY ENGAGED recognizing that it has its own set rules! CAUTION!! we must get our people "hurriedly" mobilized TO ACTUALIZED THEIR RIGHTS TO THEIR NATIONALITY as AMBAZONIANS and not fight Cameroon as 'southern cameroonians". To call ourselves 'SOUTHERN CAMEROONIANS', can hardly be recognized by observers as an act of "self-determination". It is time to think SMARTER even while we get ANGRIER!
To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to:
FREE_Ambazonians-unsubscribe@egroups.com
.
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