Yes, Mishe Fon, you are right. Personality and power grab is a weakness amongst us that empowers LRC through using and confusing our own people and using people like Dr. Konde to placard our cause as North West/Southwest divide. It is a tactic that has worked to an extent. We can stop it.
-- If we come together and focus on nothing but, the sequential abrogation of the Federation, United Republic then reversal to LRC in 1984, whether we call it a different name like Ambazonia or keep it as SC, we have a cogent argument and Fact. LRC is the secessionist from the conceived Federation. LRC is playing reverse psychology by labelling us secessionists. By rendering us Stateless with that decree, Biya opened the door in 1984 for us to restore our international personality, independence, and Sovereignty.
Ambazonia Restoration Council ARC saw this in 1985. Senegambia is our Model according to the International principle of creation and dissolution of States. Watch the video at www.ambazonia.org.
Let us hammer on this gift whether we prefer to restore our country as Southern Cameroons or revert to a different name like Ambazonia to give an identity, the 1984 gift remains our legal and political strongest argument. It is not about any one person, it is a strategy to free a people. Therefore, Ambazonia like Southern Cameroons should be perceived as the NAME of a Country not a group. No one will label us terrorist with this because it is a sequence that was started from UN, to Federation, to United Republic, to being Stateless. The UN and the World will come to our secure when we assert this State Restoration Right according to the SENEGAMBIA Model. The first start is forming a Government, not two. This Government then speaks for the people. We can do it.
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On Sun, Aug 3, 2014 at 7:04 PM, 'Mishe Fon' via ambasbay <ambasbay@googlegroups.com> wrote:
--Herein below is the "Political Problem" of the Southern Cameroons as opposed to the perennial complaints of under-development, corruption and bad governance that all Cameroonians are subjected to. This article is culled from "SC Government" website. I am still of the opinion that SC leaders, politicians, academicians, historians, traditional rulers have not adequately and convincingly sold this legitimate concern to the SC citizens and the majority Francophone population; coupled with personality issues revolving around "Power-Grab". This last segment is my personal opinion.HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL BACKGROUND
The territory of the Southern Cameroons
The Southern Cameroons has a surface area of 43,000 sq. km and a current population of about 6 million people. It is thus demographically bigger than at least 60 UN and 18 AU Member States, and spatially bigger than at least 30 UN and 12 AU Member States. Located in the 'armpit' of Africa, it is sandwiched between Nigeria and Republique du Cameroun like a wedge between West Africa and what in effect is still French Equatorial Africa. It has frontiers to the west and north with Nigeria, to the east with Republique du Cameroun, and to the south with the Equatorial Guinean Island of Bioko. The borders are well attested by international boundary treaties. The natural resources of the Southern Cameroons include oil, gas, timber, coffee, cocoa, tea, bananas, oil palm, rubber, wildlife, fish, medicinal plants, waterfalls and a wide variety of fruit and agricultural produce.80 years of British Connection
The territory later identified as the Southern Cameroons was originally British from 1858-1887. It was ceded to Germany and subsequently incorporated into the contiguous German protectorate of Kamerun, which had been acquired earlier in 1884. A 1913 Anglo-German Treaty respecting the settlement of the frontier between the British territory of Nigeria and the German territory of Kamerun from Lake Chad to the sea. That territorially grounded treaty has remained the instrument defining the international boundary between Nigeria and the Southern Cameroons. Moreover, a 1954 British Order in Council (Definition of Boundaries Proclamation) defined the boundary between the Eastern Region of Nigeria and the Southern Cameroons. The same territory that had been ceded in 1887 by Britain to Germany was captured by British forces in September 1914 soon after the outbreak of World War I. It later became known as the British Cameroons, consisting of two separate parts, the Southern Cameroons and the Northern Cameroons.Germany held on to its original Kamerun protectorate until 1916 when Anglo-French forces captured it. France took possession of the territory and it became known as French Cameroun. In 1916 therefore, Germany ceased to exercise any territorial authority (sovereignty) over Kamerun. The utter defeat of Germany entailed the loss of its colonial territory. Under Articles 118 and 119 of the 1919 Versailles Treaties Germany renounced and relinquished all rights in and title to all its overseas possessions, including her Kamerun territory.An Anglo-French treaty of 1916 (the Milner-Simon Declaration) defined the international boundary between the British Cameroons and French Cameroun. This territorial delimitation was confirmed by the League of Nations in 1922 when the two territories were separately placed under the Mandates System. The territorial alignment was further confirmed by the Anglo-French Treaty of 9 January 1931, signed by the Governor-General of Nigeria and the Governor of French Cameroun. The Southern Cameroons was thus under British rule from 1858 to 1887, and then from 1915 to 1961, a total period of nearly 80 years. That long British connection left an indelible mark on the territory, bequeathing to it an Anglo-Saxon heritage. The territory's official language is English. Its educational, legal, administrative, political, governance and institutional culture and value systems are all English-derived.International tutelage
The Southern Cameroons was under international tutelage with the status of a class 'B' territory, first as a British-Mandated Territory of the League of Nations from 1922-1945, and then as a British-administered United Nations Trust Territory from 1946 to 1961. Under Article 22 of the Treaties of Versailles the Mandatory Power accepted and undertook to apply "the principle that the well-being and development of [the inhabitants of the territories concerned] form a sacred trust of civilization." At the end of World War II the international mandates system was transmuted to the international trusteeship system under chapters XII and XIII of the UN Charter.By Article 73 of that Charter the Administering Power "recognize the principle that the interests of the inhabitants of [territories whose peoples have not yet attained a measure of self-government] are paramount, and accept as a sacred trust the obligation to promote to the utmost, within the system of international peace and security established by the present Charter, the wellbeing of the inhabitants of those territories." One of the basic objectives of the international trusteeship system, as stated in Article 76 b of the Charter, is "to promote the political, economic, social, and educational advancement of the inhabitants of the trust territories, and their progressive development towards self-government or independence as may be appropriate to the particular circumstances of each territory and its peoples and the freely expressed wishes of the peoples concerned, and as may be provided by the terms of each trusteeship agreement."Up to 1960, the Southern Cameroons though under international tutelage was administered by Britain as part of her contiguous colonial territory of Nigeria. But its distinct identity and personality, separate from Nigeria, remained unassailable. UN Resolution 224 (III) of 18 November 1948 protected the Trust Territory from annexation by any colonial-minded neighbour. While acknowledging that the Trusteeship Agreement makes allowance for 'administrative union', the Resolution provides that "Such a union must remain strictly administrative in its nature and scope, and its operation must not have the effect of creating any conditions which will obstruct the separate development of the Trust Territory, in the fields of political, economic, social and educational advancement, as a distinct entity."Self-government
In 1954 the Southern Cameroons became a self-governing region within Nigeria and gradually asserted its distinct identity and its aspiration to statehood through increased political and institutional autonomy. In 1958 the British Government stated at the UN that the Southern Cameroons was expected to achieve in 1960 the objectives set forth in Article 76 b of the UN Charter. Since the Southern Cameroons had already attained self-government status four years earlier in 1954, the objective to be attained in 1960 could only have been full independence. General Assembly Resolution 1282 (XIII) of 5 December 1958 took note of the British statement. The people of the Southern Cameroons therefore legitimately expected to be granted full independence in 1960 given that their country had been self-governing since 1954.Basic self-government institutions were in place: a Government headed by the Premier as Leader of Government business; a bicameral parliament consisting of a House of Assembly and a House of Chiefs; an Official Opposition in parliament; a Judiciary headed by a Chief Justice; a Civil Service; and a police force. The system in place was a democratic and accountable dispensation; a Westminster-type parliamentary democracy. In 1959 when the term of office of the incumbent Premier came to an end peaceful free, fair and transparent elections were organized. The opposition won and there was an orderly transfer of power to the in-coming Premier. Consistently with the parliamentary system of government the out-going Premier became Leader of the Opposition in parliament.On 1 October 1960 the Southern Cameroons was separated from Nigeria. The Southern Cameroons Constitution Order in Council came into force. By 1960 the Southern Cameroons had attained a full measure of self-government. Indeed, from 1 October 1960 up to 30 September 1961 it was a full self-governing territory fully responsible for all its internal affairs, except for defense over which matter, along with foreign affairs, Britain continued to exercise jurisdiction. Quite apart from the fact that the territory had international personality by virtue of its status as an international trust territory, the Southern Cameroons was a state in the process of being born and was known by the sovereign name of Government of the Southern Cameroons. Its sovereignty was in abeyance waiting to emerge at the moment of its expected independence.French Cameroun achieves independence as Republique du Cameroun
On 1 January 1960, the contiguous territory of French Cameroun, also a class B trust territory, achieved independence from France, the chronic on-going anarchy and terrorism there notwithstanding. The French had decided that 1960 was to be the year of 'independence' for its African colonies. French Cameroun achieved independence under the name and style of Republique du Cameroun with Mr. Ahmadou Ahidjo as its President. It was admitted to membership of the United Nations on 20 September 1960.The name 'Republique du Cameroun' is variously translated into English as 'Republic of Cameroun' or 'Republic of Cameroon' or sometimes simply as 'Cameroon'. However; prudence and clarity dictate that one sticks to the official name in the language in which it is expressed. Accordingly, for the avoidance of confusion, that country (the Respondent State in this matter) shall, throughout these proceedings be referred to by its official denomination 'Republique du Cameroun' except where the context dictates otherwise.Plebiscite recommended by UN
On 13 March 1959 the General Assembly adopted Resolution 1350 (XIII) recommending a plebiscite in the Southern Cameroons instead of the granting of independence right away. This was followed by another General Assembly resolution, 1352 (XIV) of 16 October 1959, ordering a plebiscite to be held in the Southern Cameroons "not later than March 1961". The people of the Southern Cameroons were to pronounce themselves on 'achieving independence' by the two dead-end alternatives of 'joining' Nigeria or Republique du Cameroun.'We are not annexationists'
In 1959 some perceptive minds in the Trusteeship Council expressed concerns that after attaining independence on 1 January 1960 Republique du Cameroun could try to annex the Southern Cameroons. The Premier of French Cameroun, Mr. Ahidjo, denied any such intention or the possibility of any such action on the part of independent Republique du Cameroun. At the 849th meeting of the Fourth Committee of the UN, Mr. Ahidjo took the floor and gave the UN the solemn assurance that Republique du Cameroun is not annexationist. He declared: "We are not annexationists. … If our brothers of the British zone wish to unite with independent Cameroun, we are ready to discuss the matter with them, but we will do so on a footing of equality." In June 1960 he told the 'Agence Presse Camerounaise': "I have said and repeated, in the name of the Government [of Republique du Cameroun], that we do not have any annexationist design." In July the same year he again reassured the international community through the same press: "For us, there can be no question of annexation of the Southern Cameroons. We have envisaged a flexible form of union, a federal form." Later events were to show that he took the UN, the international community and the Southern Cameroons for a ride.
Plebiscite process set in motion
On 31 March 1960 the Trusteeship Council adopted Resolution 2013 (XXVI) requesting the UK Government "to take appropriate steps, in consultation with the authorities concerned, to ensure that the people of the Territory are fully informed, before the plebiscite, of the constitutional arrangements that would have to be made, at the appropriate time, for the implementation of the decisions taken at the plebiscite."Resolution 2013 saddled the UK Government with a duty to ascertain from both Nigeria and Republique du Cameroun the terms and conditions under which the Southern Cameroons might be expected to 'join' either of them. After making the ascertainment Britain was duty bound to inform the people of the Southern Cameroons, well before the plebiscite, of the conditions of 'joining' offered by each of the two concerned States.Given the artful dilatoriness of the UK Government on this issue the Southern Cameroons entered into direct talks with Republique du Cameroun. Several rounds of talks were held between August and December 1960. These talks resulted in an Agreement (expressed in the form of Joint Declarations and Joint Communiqués) signed by Mr. J.N. Foncha and Mr. Ahmadou Ahidjo, the respective political leaders of the two countries, and published. In the meantime also, in early October 1960, the British Secretary of State for the Colonies held talks in London with a delegation of Southern Cameroons Ministers and members of the Opposition. The aims of the talks included elucidating the meaning of the phrase 'to achieve independence by joining Republique du Cameroun'.The Secretary of State put forward the following interpretation as consistent with the plebiscite alternative of 'joining' Republique du Cameroun: "the Southern Cameroons and the Cameroun Republic would unite in a Federal United Cameroon Republic. The arrangements [for the union] would be worked out after the plebiscite by a conference consisting of representative delegations of equal status from the Republic and the Southern Cameroons. The United Nations and the United Kingdom would also be associated with this conference." Both the Southern Cameroons and Republique du Cameroun agreed to this interpretation.Pre-Plebiscite Agreement
The signed and published Agreement between the Southern Cameroons and Republique du Cameroun provided that in the event of the plebiscite vote going in favour of "achieving independence by joining" Republique du Cameroun, the following would be the broad terms of the 'joining':
- The Southern Cameroons and Republique du Cameroun would unite to create a Federal State to be called the 'Federal United Cameroon Republic', outside the British Commonwealth and the French Community;
- The component states of the Federation would be the Southern Cameroons and Republique du Cameroun, legally equal in status;
- Each federated state would continue to conduct its affairs consistently with its colonially inherited state-culture, with only a limited number of subject matters conceded to the Union government;
- Nationals of the federated states would enjoy Federal Cameroon nationality;
- The Federation would have a bicameral Parliament consisting of a Federal Senate and a Federal National Assembly; and federal laws will only be enacted in such a way that no measures contrary to the interests of one state will be imposed upon it by the majority.
The Agreement also stipulated as follows:
- Constitutional arrangements would be worked out after the plebiscite by a post plebiscite conference comprising representative delegations of equal status from the Southern Cameroons and Republique du Cameroun, in association with the United Kingdom Government and the United Nations;
- The post-plebiscite conference would have as its goal the fixing of time limits and conditions for the transfer of sovereignty powers to an organization representing the future federation;
- Those entrusted with the affairs of the united Cameroon would put the would-be federal constitution to the people of the Southern Cameroons and Republique du Cameroun to pronounce themselves on it; and until constitutional arrangements were worked out, the United Kingdom would continue to fulfill her responsibility under the Trusteeship Agreement regarding the Southern Cameroons.
On December 24, 1960, Republique du Cameroun sent a Note Verbale to the British Government reiterating its commitment to this Agreement and reconfirming its desire for union with the Southern Cameroons "on the basis of a Federation". The Agreement between the Southern Cameroons and Republique du Cameroun was made available to the UN and the UK Government. The representations therein contained were reproduced in 'The Two Alternatives', a booklet prepared by the United Kingdom Government, published and widely circulated in the Southern Cameroons in pursuance of Resolution 2013 with a view to informing the Southern Cameroons electorate of the constitutional implications of the alternatives offered in the plebiscite. Also reproduced in 'The Two Alternatives' was the interpretation of the 'alternative' of 'joining' Republique du Cameroun put forward by the British Secretary of State for the Colonies and concurred with by both the Southern Cameroons Government and Republique du Cameroun. The booklet was widely used during the plebiscite enlightenment campaigns.The phrase "to achieve independence by joining Republique du Cameroun" was therefore clearly understood by all concerned (the UN, the UK Government, the Southern Cameroons Government, and the Republique du Cameroun Government) to mean that the Southern Cameroons would attain independence and then form, on the footing of legal equality, a federal union with Republique du Cameroun under an agreed federal constitution. On 11 February 1961 the UN-supervised limited plebiscite took place in the Southern Cameroons. The vote was a plebiscite on political status to enable the people of the Southern Cameroons progress from full measure of self-government to national independence. The vote went in favour of achieving independence 'by joining' Republique du Cameroun rather than Nigeria.
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