Thanks for the lesson. He, whatever clone he is needs it very badly. More proof of fraud in 1961 is that the so-called Federal Constitution was signed by Francophone only!!! Two Equal States and only one party signed five times? Haba Magida, even if we were fools back then, we could never have remained fools forever!
Justice M. Mbuh
THE LEGACY OF AMBAZONIA
(UN Trust Territory of British Cameroons):
The Parliamentary Opposition, ...forged for itself a new role noteworthy for its dignity; and the government,..never attempted to withdraw...the legal recognition that was its due. Thanks to this...West Cameroon has won for itself the prestige of being the one place in West Africa (if not all of Africa) where democracy, in the British style, has lasted longest in its genuine form.
--Prof. Bernard Nsukika Fonlon, The Task of Today, p. 9
--------------------------------------------
On Sat, 5/30/15, 'Mishe Fon' via ambasbay <ambasbay@googlegroups.com> wrote:
Subject: Re: [cameroon_politics] MY WORD UNTO THEY THAT ATTEMPT TO INTIMIDATE: (VINCENT FOUDA NOTE)SECESSIONISM AND THE SECESSIONISTS -A FAILED ARGUMENT
To: "cameroon_politics@yahoogroups.com" <cameroon_politics@yahoogroups.com>, "CAMNETWORK List" <camnetwork@yahoogroups.com>, "Ambasbay CamerGoogleGroup" <ambasbay@googlegroups.com>, "Accdf Accdf" <accdf@yahoogroups.com>
Cc: "Colo_Anglo@yahoogroups.com" <Colo_Anglo@yahoogroups.com>, "CAM" <camnetworks@yahoogroups.com>
Date: Saturday, May 30, 2015, 1:11 AM
Massa
Agbor Enow Double O SevenI strongly
encourage you to read this book, which might open your eyes
to reality. Go to page 32 - 38 (it tackles the flawed and
fraudulent Ahidjo's lopsided referendum of May 20th
1972) and equip yourself with very vital information that
may make you rethink your constant lambaste of your people.
Do you even remember the question that was asked of voters
at the charade of a referendum? It went something like this:
DO YOU AGREE TO BECOME A UNITED
CAMEROON?The answer provided was: OUI
or YES.
What were you expecting the poor Anglophones to do?
And as if that was not enough insults on the
Southern Cameroonian minority block, the majority
Francophones were equally forced to vote overwhelmingly for
the OUI Vote while their (wetin man
go do now) brothers settled for YES. There was no NO
vote near any polling area. The 99.99% OUI vote gave birth to what
Ahidjo referred to as Republique Unie du
Cameroun or United Republic of Cameroon abrogating
the old Federal Republic of Cameroon decreeing
20th May
as National Day.
Hence the beginning of complete annexation of
Southern Cameroons. Are you still with me?
Enter President Biya in 1982 who after solidly
consolidating his grip on power, unilaterally reverted to
the name of Francophone (East) Cameroon at Independence; Republique
du Cameroun. Ahidjo at least "Faked" a
referendum which could be binding in a Court of Law, but
Biya just grabbed the damn thing "By Force of
Decree".So in your warped mind...make we just shiddon
quiet, abi? Is it right to treat fellow human beings like
that? Na by force marret...as the respected Mola Njoh
Litumbe would ask?My broda...sleep with your eyes open.
Routledge Handbook of
African PoliticsDavid Anderson, Nicholas
Cheeseman - Political Science
- 2013 - 437
pages
Nic
Cheeseman is University Lecturer in African Politics at the
University
of Oxford, joint editor of African Affairs, and founder of
www.democracyinafrica.co.uk. David M. Anderson is Professor
of African
Politics at the University of Warwick. Andrea Scheibler is a
DPhil
candidate in African History at the University of Oxford,
and a member
of St Hugh's College.Limited preview - About this
book -
From: "Agbor Enow
Augustine Enow007@yahoo.com [cameroon_politics]"
<cameroon_politics@yahoogroups.com>
To:
"cameroon_politics@yahoogroups.com"
<cameroon_politics@yahoogroups.com>
Cc:
"Colo_Anglo@yahoogroups.com"
<Colo_Anglo@yahoogroups.com>; CAM
<camnetworks@yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Friday,
May 29, 2015 6:29 PM
Subject: Re:
[cameroon_politics] MY WORD UNTO THEY THAT ATTEMPT TO
INTIMIDATE: (VINCENT FOUDA NOTE)SECESSIONISM AND THE
SECESSIONISTS -A FAILED ARGUMENT
Bro
Greg Takor
Where
do you fit the provisions that make a mockery of your
posting
dividing communities in your dream
country of" national integration"
into settlers and indigenes (autochtones
et allogenes) enshrined in one of the
two constitutions by Cameroun
is governed? Was that provision imposed by the
SCNC or Southern Cameroonians?
(Chief
Charles Taku)
This question should go back to
Chief. There
is no constitutional provision
that classify Cameroonians as settlers, and that is why the
repulsive actions
of Governor Oben Peter Ashu on this question was widely
condemned. I know the
people of Yaounde also pulled an 'Oben Peter Ashu' on
the Bamileke by calling them
settlers or immigrants. But this is the exact thing the
separatists and
irredentists are doing, seeking to separate Cameroonians
into geographical restricted
areas. They are the same side of a coin with junta Biya
Paul.
On the question regarding
Presidential
Decree 84-001 OF February
4, 1984, abolishing the
Republic of Cameroon, the argument that Biya effectively
pulled East Cameroon
out of the Federation is flawed. The Federation ended after
the 1972 Referendum
in which 99.99% of Cameroonians approved of. A decree signed
by Ahidjo after the
referendum ended the Federation and not the one signed by
Biya in 1984.
All the above actions were legal
and
Anglophone elites fully participated in moving our great
country to where we
are today. I can criticize their mistakes, their
gullibility, or their tribal
and regional bigotry for political gain, but I cannot change
the past. I can
clearly understand the emotions acting as a catalyst to put
a few secessionists
into action, but with the dynamic nature of national and
international affairs,
Cameroonians of all stripes, must realize that we cannot win
if our house stays
messy.
Augustine Enow
Augustine
The
outcome of my life is not more than three lines:
I was a raw material
I became
mature and cooked
And I was burned into
nothingness.
Rumi
On Friday, May 29,
2015 3:28 PM, "Greg Takor takorgreg@yahoo.com
[cameroon_politics]"
<cameroon_politics@yahoogroups.com> wrote:
Some of us - about 50 in number, were blacklisted
in the 1990s for similar action. I travelled to Southern
Cameroons several times since some one told us about that
list and nothing became of it. I will be going there again
this year, and am looking forward to seeing what they would
do this time around. Their intimidating tactics will not
silent me, until they do the right thing - park up leave
our country!!!!!!
ENOW TAKOR
--------------------------------------------
On Fri, 5/29/15, Ofege Ntemfac ntemfacofege@YAHOO.COM
[cameroon_politics]
<cameroon_politics@yahoogroups.com> wrote:
Subject: [cameroon_politics] MY WORD UNTO THEY THAT ATTEMPT
TO INTIMIDATE: (VINCENT FOUDA NOTE)SECESSIONISM AND THE
SECESSIONISTS -A FAILED ARGUMENT
To: "camnetwork@yahoogroups.com"
<camnetwork@yahoogroups.com>, "Ambasbay
CamerGoogleGroup" <ambasbay@googlegroups.com>,
"AMBASOS-NA" <ambasos@yahoogroups.com>,
"FREE AMBAZONIANS"
<free_ambazonians@yahoogroups.com>, "Free
Southern Cameroonians"
<freesoutherncameroonians@yahoo.com>, "Cameroon
Politics" <cameroon_politics@yahoogroups.com>,
"SDF South Africa"
<cameroons_sdf_party@yahoogroups.com>, "Campros
Group" <campros@yahoogroups.com>, "Cameroon
Group" <cameroongroup@yahoogroups.com>,
"Cameroon Review"
<camreview@yahoogroups.com>, "Ofege Ntemfac"
<ntemfacnchwete@gmail.com>, "Martin Yembe"
<mfyembe@gmail.com>,
"AmbazoniaNationalGroup"
<ambazonianationalgroup@yahoogroups.com>
Cc: "Southern Cameroon"
<southerncameroon@yahoogroups.com>,
"Camdesg" <camdesg@yahoogroups.com>,
"African GM"
<africanworldforum@googlegroups.com>, "Mbonbani
Mbonbani" <mbonbani@yahoogroups.com>,
"Nigerian World Forum"
<nigerianworldforum@yahoogroups.com>,
"talkhard@yahoogroup.com"
<talkhard@yahoogroup.com>,
"talknigeria@ahoogroups.com"
<talknigeria@ahoogroups.com>, "TalkNaija"
<talknigeria@yahoogroups.com>, "Ibom
Chronicle" <ibomchronicle@yahoogroups.com>,
"Mwananchi Mwananchi"
<mwananchi@yahoogroups.com>, "Niger Delta
Forum" <nigerdeltaforum@yahoogroups.com>,
"Punch Me I. Deck U."
<nigeria360@yahoogroups.com>, "Bring Your
Baseball Bat" <naijaobserver@yahoogroups.com>,
"MWANYAGETINGE NETWORK"
<mwanyagetinge@yahoogroups.com>, "Edo
Global" <edo_global@yahoogroups.com>,
"Cameroon Patriots"
<cameroonpatriots@yahoogroups.com>, "Politics
Naija" <naijapolitics@yahoogroups.com>
Date: Friday, May 29, 2015, 5:02 AM
Ntemfac
Ofege with Cameroon
Calling
1 hrPeople,
some months ago, a character in UNIFORM, an anglophone,
engaged me in
these chambers as to why I was posting pictures of the
Prime
Minister's
Lodge in Buea and asking questions. The issue may not be
related but
yesterday I got a strange phone call from someone saying
he
was calling
from the Camerounese Ministry of Defence. Name and
number
available. His
question was simple: Pourquoi est-ce que votre nom
figure
sur la liste
noir du ministere de la defense (Why is your name
on the Black Book of the Ministry of Defence). I
thanked
the caller for
his concern and my answer to him was simple: Go ask
those
who put my
name there. Let me make this clear and simple. I speak
facts
and truths
without fear or favour. That is my calling, that is my
duty,
that is my
job. Intimidating Ntemfac Ofege - more than a messenger
in
the issues
being discussed about Southern Cameroons today - will
not
solve the
problem. Let my people go!Like · Comment
· ShareMue
Ntube, Charlow
Ngang and
2
others like
this.Gwain Colbert
Fulai
Amen
10 mins ·
Like
Col 3:4 When Christ, who
is our life, shall appear, then shall ye also appear
with
him in glory. Christ appears in your life right here,
right
now: one nanosecond after you believe and confess that
Jesus
is Lord.
https://www.facebook.com/CAYMCameroon
On Friday, May 29,
2015 12:34 PM, "Ofege Ntemfac
ntemfacofege@YAHOO.COM
[camnetwork]" <camnetwork@yahoogroups.com>
wrote:
The African
Commission's Ruling in Gumne et
al v.
Cameroun : Digest and Comment
Professor C Anyangwe
STILL CUT: FULL DOCUMENT ATTACHED.
Colonial
occupation of the Southern Cameroons
In its Memorial in Communication 266
complainants asserted and demonstrated that the Southern
Cameroons has been
annexed by Republique du Cameroun and remains under the
colonial occupation of
that country. The Commission rightly characterised this
development as very
serious. Indeed it is, and the people of the Southern
Cameroons do not make the
charge of colonial occupation lightly. First, the
occupying
State does not deny
that it is in complete and asphyxiating control of the
Southern Cameroons and
administering the territory following its inherited
French
system. Over the
years it has been fishing for some possible justification
of
its seizure of
that territory. In the 1960s it argued that it simply
took
over a hitherto
separated part of its territory handed over to it by the
UN
and Britain. When
challenged to produce the instrument by which the UN and
Britain allegedly ceded
the Southern Cameroons to it (a legal impossibility
since
neither the UN nor
Britain were owners of the territory), Republique du
Cameroun changed its
story. It claimed that its occupation of the Southern
Cameroons is by virtue of
what it called "reunification on 1st October 1961
following the
plebiscite vote on 11 February 1961". But when it was
pointed out that one cannot
credibly talk of so-called 'reunification' when the
Southern Cameroons was never,
in the first place, a part of French Cameroun, and when
at
the plebiscite there
was no such option as 'reunification' and there
could
not have been any, Republique
du Cameroun then changed once more the basis of its
hopeless
claim. It then
sought to found its claim on a brief and ill-defined
German
Kamerun entity and
then proclaimed itself the state successor to that
entity.
But German Kamerun (parts
of which are now legally within at least five different
countries) lasted only
some 25-odd years and was long since extinct. Besides,
the
political existence
of Republique du Cameroun dates not from 1884 but from
the
inception of French
colonial rule in 1916.
Further, it is both a
legal and a
factual impossibility for a country to succeed at
independence not to the
territory of the immediate predecessor state but to the
territory long extinct
of a remote predecessor state. Furthermore, the
plebiscite
itself was a
complete refutation of the lie that the Southern
Cameroons
is a part of Republique
du Cameroun. If the Southern Cameroons were a part of
that
country the
plebiscite would have been redundant and the territory
simply handed over to
Republique du Cameroun like Ifni handed over to Morocco
by
Spain, Hong Kong to
China by Britain and Walvis Bay to Namibia by South
Africa.
Claim to territory
can never be founded on mere geographical contiguity or on
a
remote,
superficial and ephemeral historical connection. That is
why
the claim of Spain
to Gibraltar and the claim of Argentina to the Falkland
Islands have never
succeeded. The plebiscite in the Southern Cameroons was
a
clear and loud statement
by the international community that the native
inhabitants
of the Southern
Cameroons constitute a people and therefore have the
inalienable and continuing
right to self-determination.
Let the record be put
straight. At
the plebiscite the people of the Southern Cameroons
voted
first and foremost to
achieve independence (the effective date of which was set
by
the UN to be 1st
October 1961) and, as a secondary matter, to form a
political association with Republique
du Cameroun under certain terms and conditions. At the
plebiscite there was
therefore no such thing as a so-called 'vote for
reunification'. There could
have been no such vote because there was no such
alternative. Nor was there any
so-called 'reunification' on 1st October 1961. That
date was
billed
as the date on which UN trusteeship over the Southern
Cameroons was to end, resulting
in independence for the territory; it was also the date
on
which there was to
come into existence an agreed federal form of political
association between the
Southern Cameroons state and Republique du Cameroun,
duly
underpinned by an Act
of Union subscribed to by both parties.
But before that date
Republique du Cameroun
had illegally assumed jurisdiction over the Southern
Cameroons by performing
acts of sovereignty in the territory, while the British
conspiratorially looked
the other way. On 1st
September 1961 Republique du Cameroun passed in
its parliament an annexation law (in the form of a
constitutional amendment law
deceptively denoted as a 'federal constitution') by
which it formally claimed
the Southern Cameroons as part of its territory and
asserted
jurisdiction over
it. In that same month Republique du Cameroun's
French-led
troops marched into
the Southern Cameroons and immediately announced their
presence and demonstrated
their trigger-happy nature by murdering six citizens in
cold
blood, again while
the British looked the other way.
1st October 1961 witnessed
the formal ending of UN trusteeship over the Southern
Cameroons. But the
independence which the people had voted for and whose
effective date the UN had
set for 1st October 1961
remains paper independence to this day
because its enjoyment was immediately suppressed by
Republique du Cameroun in
two very significant ways. Republique du Cameroun sent
its
troops into the
Southern Cameroons, with the result that it remains an
occupied territory to
this day. Then, after the British Commissioner of the
Southern Cameroons departed
on 1st October 1961
Republique du Cameroun immediately appointed one
of its citizens to the Southern Cameroons as the new
colonial governor, stepping
into the shoes of the departed British Commissioner. The
new
and
French-speaking colonial officer was euphemistically
styled
'inspecteur d'
administration', a
denomination later changed to that of 'governeur
de province/region'. Thus, the so-called
'reunification' much trumpeted by Republique
du Cameroun is a mere myth and at best a Nazi-type
'reunification' of Alsace
Lorraine and then Austria, with the Third
Reich.
In the 1970s, believing
it had
achieved its colonial goal of complete assimilation of
the
people of the
Southern Cameroons and total destruction of their
identity,
and in order to
have unhindered access to the wealth and natural
resources
of the Southern
Cameroons, Republique du Cameroun contrived to
manufacture
another
'reunification' which it called 'unification', a
stage in its imperial agenda
admitting of no diversity, no multiculturalism, no
multi-nationalism, within
its colonial set-up: the Southern Cameroons had to be
completely extinguished,
its people destroyed as a distinct and separate people
and
then sunk wholesale
into the French world of Republique du Cameroun. But
Republique du Cameroun did
not reckon with the innate human yearning for freedom,
the
innate human nature
and ability to resist oppression and domination, the
innate
individual and
collective human instinct for survival, and the
resilience
of the people of the
Southern Cameroons in the face of great national
adversity
and peril.
Now that its colonial
occupation of
the Southern Cameroons has been thoroughly exposed
Republique du Cameroun claims
to have been able to find a new basis for its tragic
colonial adventure in the
Southern Cameroons. It now makes the dishonest and
infantile
claim that the ICJ
ruling in the 'Bakassi
case' confirms
that the Southern Cameroons is part of the territory of
Republique du Cameroun and
that the ruling acknowledges Republique du Cameroun's
sovereignty over the Southern
Cameroons. But this is more of wishful thinking than
what
the ICJ decided in
that case. The ICJ could not have decided those points
for
the simple reason
that those matters were never pleaded before the Court.
It
is elementary that a
court of law does not adjudicate on matters not put
before
it and argued by the
parties. Sovereignty over the Southern Cameroons and the
boundaries of the Southern
Cameroons were not issues before the Court. Therefore,
the
Court cannot
possibly be taken to have decided those issues. In any
event, the ICJ is not a
territorial sovereign; it does not have territory with
which
to assuage the
colonial cravings of expansionist states. In 1961
Republique
du Cameroun had
tried to lay the foundation for its expansionism by
claiming
in the Northern Cameroons case
that it had an
interest in a so-called "reunification of all the
people
of Cameroun." Republique
du Cameroun had already set its eyes on annexing the
Southern Cameroons. Its next
step was to grab the Northern Cameroons via the ICJ. Had
it
succeeded it would
have moved on to lay claim to parts of Gabon, Congo,
Central
African Republic
and Chad on the basis that the pieces of territory in
question formed part of
German Kamerun. Fortunately, the ICJ at the time quickly
saw
through this
imperial agenda and non-suited Republique du Cameroun
which
promptly declared
what turned out to be an ephemeral day of crocodile
tears.
The evidence of
annexation and
colonial occupation of the Southern Cameroons is
therefore
overwhelming; and
every citizen of the Southern Cameroons is a colonized
being
however much those
co-opted into the administration of the colonialist (a
typical French colonial
practice) might pretend. But there is further evidence
of
colonialism which
tallies with the findings of a study (2009) by the
Middle
East Project of the
HSRC entitled 'Occupation, Colonialism, Apartheid: A
Re-assessment of Israel's
practices in the Occupied Palestinian Territories under
International Law.'
"The terms of the Declaration on [the Granting of
Independence to Colonial
Peoples and Territories],'' the study affirms,
"indicate that a situation may
be classified as colonial when the acts of a State have
the
cumulative outcome
that it annexes or otherwise unlawfully retains control
over
territory and thus
aims permanently to deny its indigenous population the
exercise of its right to
self-determination."
First, the indigenous
population of
the Southern Cameroons have no control over their
territory,
the territorial
integrity of which has been violated by Republique du
Cameroun by the fact of
occupation of the Southern Cameroons and the partitioning
of
the Southern
Cameroons into provinces/regions tagged to contiguous
Cameroun Republic areas.
This violates the UN Declaration on the Granting of
Independence.
Secondly, the people of
the Southern
Cameroons hitherto self-governing under British colonial
rule have since been
deprived of the capacity for self-governance. Republique
du
Cameroun exercises
total civil and military administration of the Southern
Cameroons through a
hierarchy of Republique du Cameroun officials. Unlike
under
British colonial
rule, there is now no Southern Cameroons parliament, no
Southern Cameroons government,
no Southern Cameroons judiciary, no Southern Cameroons
administration, no
Southern Cameroons public service, and no Southern
Cameroons
police service. Republique
du Cameroun retains full and total control over the
territory. The people of
the Southern Cameroons cannot freely determine their
political status. They
cannot freely pursue their economic and social
development
according to the
policy they should freely choose. They cannot exercise
the
right to their
economic, social and cultural development. The enjoyment
of
the independence
voted for at the plebiscite in 1961 has been suppressed
by
Republique du
Cameroun, thereby violating the right of the people of
the
Southern Cameroons
to self-determination. Republique du Cameroun is seeking
permanently to deny
the people of the Southern Cameroons the exercise of
their
inalienable and
continuing right to self-determination.
Thirdly, whereas
international law
ordains that the territory and economy of a colonial
territory must remain
separate and distinct from that of the colonising power,
Republique du Cameroun
has completely subordinated and subsumed the territory
and
economy of the Southern
Cameroons to its own, in fact fused the economy of the
Southern Cameroons into
its own so that structurally there is no longer any
distinction between the
two, with the result that the people of the Southern
Cameroons have been
totally deprived of the capacity to govern and order
their
economic affairs.
Their right to economic self-determination has thus been
suppressed.
Fourth, Republique du
Cameroun is in
breach of the principle of permanent sovereignty over
natural resources in
relation to the Southern Cameroons. The right of
permanent
sovereignty over
natural resources entitles a people to freely dispose of
their wealth and
natural resources and in no case shall they be deprived
of
it. Oil, timber, gas,
mineral and cash crop resources are taken from the
Southern
Cameroons for the
exclusive development of Republique du Cameroun. The
Southern Cameroons has
changed little in the past 50 years: The existing few
kilometres of tarred
roads are the typical colonial 'extractive routes'
meant
to facilitate the
evacuation of natural resources and food commodities
from
the Southern
Cameroons to Republique du Cameroun. Most parts of the
Southern Cameroons are
unreachable throughout the year and head load over long
distances is still very
common. Water, electricity and health facilities remain
rare
amenities. Infrastructural
development is virtually absent. The enjoyment of
second,
like first,
generation human rights remain a pipe dream.
Fifthly, Republique du
Cameroun has
denied the people of the Southern Cameroons the right
freely
to express,
develop and practice their culture. The practices of
Republique du Cameroun privilege
the French language, the French legal system, the French
administrative system,
the French educational system and the French-based
cultural
referents of Republique
du Cameroun, while materially and purposefully hampering
the
Anglo-American-based
cultural development and expression of the people of the
Southern Cameroons.
Clearly, the
implementation by
Republique du Cameroun of its colonial policy has been
systematic and
comprehensive. The exercise by the people of the
Southern
Cameroons of their
right to self-determination has been frustrated in all
its
principal modes of
expression. Living in complete denial even in the face
of
compelling evidence,
Republique du Cameroun argues lamely that Africa is now
free
and therefore the
Southern Cameroons is not under colonial occupation. But
that is like arguing
that there is now no slavery in the world because
slavery
was abolished a long
time ago. Colonialism is colour-blind. It is no less
reprehensible because it
is perpetrated by one of our kind. No one has ever
argued
that Americans and
the Irish were never colonised by the British because
they
are all whites (and
even with a substantial cultural and blood relations).
German occupation of
France was rejected as was Japanese occupation of
China.
Colonisation is slavery,
a form of
terrorism and a threat to international peace and
security.
Article 20 of the
African Charter emphatically rejects it and the AU in
the
preamble to that
Charter strongly denounces it. The existence of
colonialism
in any form or
manifestation, including economic exploitation, is thus
incompatible with the
African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights. It is
also
incompatible with the
United Nations Charter, the United Nations Declaration
on
Decolonisation and
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The African
Commission on Human and
Peoples' Rights is duty bound to affirm its support
for
the aspirations of the
people of the Southern Cameroons, under Republique du
Cameroun's colonial rule,
to exercise their right to self-determination, including
independence. If there
is any doubt about this aspiration let an independence
referendum,
internationally supervised and monitored, be held in the
Southern Cameroons.
That is an internationally recognised peaceful method of
resolving an issue of
this nature and for which there are many precedents.
People
It has always been
self-evident even
to the blind that the indigenous population of the
Southern
Cameroons
constitute a people separate and distinct from the people
of
Republique du Cameroun.
But true to its logic of destroying us as a people with
every right to
existence, the colonial occupier keeps repeating ad nauseum
that we are "a small
linguistic tribal minority" in Republique
du Cameroun, not different from minority groups in that
country. And this, in
spite of the fact that the self-determination plebiscite
in
the Southern
Cameroons was the clearest proof that under
international
law we constitute a
people. A self-determination plebiscite is resorted to
by
the UN when it is
satisfied that the dependent population concerned
constitute
a people within
the meaning of international law. There is also UN
Resolution 1608 of 12 April
1961 in which the General Assembly of the UN expressly
and
advisedly refers to
us as a people. With the recent ruling by the African
Human
Rights Commission
in Communication 266/2003 any lingering doubt on this
matter
has been put
beyond question. This point must now be regarded as
definitively settled.
One of the foremost
implications of
the jurisprudence that the indigenous populations of the
Southern Cameroons are
a people is that they necessarily have a territory and
are
free to name it as
they see fit. There cannot be a people without a
territorial
link. A people
must necessary have a homeland. When the Jews, dispersed
as
they were all over
Europe and America, were recognized as constituting a
people
the international
community had to find a homeland for them. The Jews were
settled in part of the
British mandated territory of Palestine. They named the
area
Israel and
proclaimed their independence. The populations of the
Southern Cameroons are
native to the territory they occupy and which the
British
colonial authorities named
as 'the Southern Cameroons'. It is up to the people
to
rename that homeland
when and by whatever name they chose to, before or on
the
day of independence.
Other implications are
that the
people of the Southern Cameroons, qua
people, have the right to:
(i)
Self-determination
(i.e. the right to freely determine their political
status,
and the right to
freely pursue their economic and social development
according to the policy
they have chosen);
(ii)
Existence
(the only adequate guarantee of which is sovereign
statehood);
(iii)
Equality
with all other people;
(iv)
Enjoy
the same respect as all other people;
(v)
Have
the same rights as all other people (including the right
to
be free);
(vi)
Freedom
from domination by another people;
(vii)
Free
themselves from the bonds of domination by resorting to
any
means recognised by
the international community (i.e. right to resist
colonial
rule);
(viii)
Assistance
from States Parties to the African Charter in their
liberation struggle against
Republique du Cameroun domination;
(ix)
National
and international peace and security;
(x)
Cultural
development;
(xi)
General
satisfactory environment favourable to their
development;
(xii)
Freely
dispose of their wealth and natural resources;
(xiii)
Lawful
recovery of property and to an adequate compensation in
case
of spoliation.
Self-determination
involves the
all-important issues of survival, identity and
dignity.
Col 3:4
When Christ, who is our life, shall appear, then shall
ye
also appear with him in glory. Christ appears in your
life
right here, right now: one nanosecond after you believe
and
confess that Jesus is Lord.
https://www.facebook.com/CAYMCameroon
On Friday, May 29, 2015 8:06 AM,
"Asonganyi Walter asonganyi@hotmail.com
[camnetwork]" <camnetwork@yahoogroups.com>
wrote:
Oh Agbor Augustine is a case, a very
bad case, the more one tries teaching him about the rule
of
law and the way degrees has been used to entangle
Southern
Cameroon the less he follows. I once tried to no avail.
When
francophones do not understand I pity them but not a
Bonafide west Cameroonian.Some people are so
obsessed with the political setup in Cameroon, that they
do
not for once read and think the chronology and truth of
why
Southern Cameroon is by right an independent country and
only being subjugated by force into a union she never
entered.
Ndi Nkem
Sent from my iPhone
On 29 May
2015, at 02:08, "Julius Acham achamj07@gmail.com
[camnetwork]" <camnetwork@yahoogroups.com>
wrote:
If Mr
Agbor cannot see the 1984 Decree as the real SECESSION
from
the Illegal Union, then he is very unteachable.
Responding too him is shooting too low.Long
live the Republic of Ambazoniawww.ambazonia.org
On Thu, May 28, 2015 at
3:28 PM, 'Atang Christopher' via ambasbay
<ambasbay@googlegroups.com>
wrote:
It's
unfortunate that Agbor Enow Augustine has misrepresented
the
legitimate case of the people of the Southern Cameroons
by
using a wrong terminology - secession - to depict
the
ultimate objective of the case. Remember that
reunification does not translate to subjugation.
Let's
be conversant with our history before going public to
make
untrue statements.
Christopher Atang,
Ph.D.,
5507 Pipingwood
Drive
Houston, Texas
77084
"People may not remember exactly what you did, or
what
you said - but they will remember how you made them
feel." -
Anonymous
On Saturday, 16 May
2015, 14:45, "Agbor Enow Augustine
Enow007@yahoo.com
[cameroon_politics]"
<cameroon_politics@yahoogroups.com>
wrote:
Fellow Cameroonians
The secessionists and would be
secessionists will never cease to amaze us. The
decolonization of the territory
of British Cameroons is the choice of the peoples to
join
with other states,
Cameroon and Nigeria to be precise. Whether the argument
is
mimicked into
secession and international law, self-determination and
international law or
Minority Rights and international law, in the case of
Cameroon, this argument
is merely an academic exercise. The state of Cameroon
was
not imposed upon the
peoples within that state, but through self-determination
in
a plebiscite and a
referendum. The better course of action to take is the
one
taken by the Anglophone
lawyers, even though their six-month ultimatum is
ill-conceived.
As Anglophones within the State of
Cameroon, it is our duty to protect our language and
culture. Those making
these futile and ill-conceived secessionist arguments
are
confusing the self-determination
of all the peoples of Cameroon, which is a fait
accompli,
and the minority
rights of the English-speaking peoples of Cameroon, which
we
must continue to
fight for.
For a long time, many Cameroonian
intellectuals, just like the laymen have confused the
phrases, "principle of
equal rights and self-determination written in Article 1
(2)
and Article 55 of
the UN Charter to mean secession of any unhappy bunch
within
a state. The
context of equal rights and self-determination in the
above
Articles is that
the rights of peoples of one state to be protected by
other
countries or
governments. It speaks of the protection of the equal
rights
of states, not
individual equal rights.
Article 27 of the Covenant states,
"persons belonging to ethnic, religious or linguistic
minorities within a
State, shall not be denied the right, in community with
other members of that
group, to enjoy their own culture, to profess and
practice
their own religion,
or to use their own language." Here again, we can see
that
self-determination
and minority rights are two distinct rights with
different
beneficiaries. Thus,
the secessionists are depriving the entire people of the
state of Cameroon of
their real right of self-determination- their
right to determine their economic and political
destiny.
Two fundamental questions to
answer:
1. Does
the right of self-determination suggest a right of
secession? No…NO…NO!
2. Do
minority rights carry with them a right to secession?
NO…NO…NO!
Augustine Agbor Enow
N.B
In Cameroon, we are united in our
diversity, and our diversity is our greatest asset. No
one
can take that away
from us. Not even the actions of despotic leaders like
the
junta Paul Biya, nor
the futile actions of secessionist bigots.
The outcome of my life is not
more than three lines:
I was a raw
material
I became mature and cooked
And I was burned into nothingness.
Rumi
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Re: [cameroon_politics] MY WORD UNTO THEY THAT ATTEMPT TO INTIMIDATE: (VINCENT FOUDA NOTE)SECESSIONISM AND THE SECESSIONISTS -A FAILED ARGUMENT
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