Prophet
What is the amusement in asking you to interprete the body language of some one who actually wrote the penal code we are all chiding
You read me amidst hind thinking. You mail is but a spank to your very self not meWhat is the amusement in asking you to interprete the body language of some one who actually wrote the penal code we are all chiding
On Fri, Jul 22, 2016 at 5:56 PM, Ofege Ntemfac <ntemfacnchwete@gmail.com> wrote:
Dear Mr Nyangkwe,I am not amused.The issues being dealt with are sufficiently grave for you to indulge in the childish pranks typical of your SDF school. Must the issue of the horrific travesty of the new Penal Code in French Cameroun and how it relates to Southern Cameroonians qua Ambazonians be watered down by your gutter and small-minded Ad hominem reference to what Kamto is wearing? I am not amused in the very least. Small minds....On Thu, Jul 21, 2016 at 7:57 AM, Nyangkwe Agien Aaron <nyangkweagien@gmail.com> wrote:The Prophet is running away from my question because he is a Kamto man.Wei wei, agrégé pipo dem--On Thu, Jul 21, 2016 at 3:46 PM, 'Ofege Ntemfac' via ambasbay <ambasbay@googlegroups.com> wrote:--Colonialism is a System ** Les Temps Modernes, No. 123, March–April 1956. Speech made at a rally 'for peace in Algeria'Colonialism and NeocolonialismBy Jean-Paul Sartre[1]'Colonialism is a System' was originally given as a speech at Wagram on 27 January 1956. Sartre, who was in favour of peace, protested against France's policy of pacification during the Algerian war. He warned against the mystification of neocolonialism and undertook a detailed analysis of French colonialism in Algeria, a system put in place in the nineteenth century, supported and maintained by liberal ideology. The theory of imperialism, Sartre contends, was not formulated by Lenin but by the liberal ideologue Jules Ferry.Sartre elaborates on the systemic violence of colonialism in his preface to Albert Memmi's The Colonizer and the Colonized. 3 He is careful to differentiate between the subjects of ideology and of colonialism, between the insidious function of the former and naked systemic violence of colonial oppression. He captures the terms of the dialectics of having and being thus: 'Colonialism denies human rights to people it has subjugated by violence, and whom it keeps in poverty and ignorance by force, therefore, as Marx would say, in a state of "sub-humanity"'. Racism is inscribed in the events themselves, in the institutions, in the nature of the exchanges and the production. The political and social statuses reinforce one another: since the natives are subhuman, the Declaration of Human Rights does not apply to them; conversely, since they have no rights, they are abandoned without protection to the inhuman forces of nature, to the "iron laws" of economics' (this volume, p. 50). He reiterates the crux of his argument in 'Colonialism is a System'; he elaborates on the dialectical relationship involving the oppressor and oppressed first discussed in his Anti-Semite and Jew and Black Orpheus: 'A pitiless reciprocity binds the colonizers to the colonized, their product and their destiny' (p. 53). He presents the colonizers and their victims both as 'strangled by the colonial apparatus, that heavy machine constructed at the end of the Second Empire, under the Third Republic, and which, after giving every satisfaction to the colonizers, is turning against them' (p. 49) to crush them. He thanks Memmi for reminding us in his book that colonialism carries the seeds of its own destruction. What Memmi has shown forcefully, argues Sartre, is that the logic of colonialism would lead not only to the self-destruction of the system, but to the affirmation of the colonized 'national selfhood'.We saw Jules Ferry declare in Parliament: 'Where there is political predominance, there is economic predominance …' The Algerians are dying of our economic predominance, but they draw benefit from this lesson: to rid themselves of it, they have decided to attack our political predominance. Thus the colonists themselves have taught their adversaries; they have shown the hesitant that no solution was possible other than force.
The only good thing about colonialism is that, in order to last, it must show itself to be intransigent, and that, by its intransigence, it prepares its ruin. We, the people of mainland France, have only one lesson to draw from these facts: colonialism is in the process of destroying itself. But it still fouls the atmosphere. It is our shame; it mocks our laws or caricatures them. It infects us with its racism; as the Montpellier episode proved the other day, it obliges our young men to fight despite themselves and die for the Nazi principles that we fought against ten years ago; it attempts to defend itself by arousing fascism even here in France. Our role is to help it to die. Not only in Algeria but wherever it exists. People who talk of the abandonment of Algeria are imbeciles. There is no abandoning what we have never owned. It is, quite the opposite, a question of our constructing with the Algerians new relations between a free France and a liberated Algeria. But above all let us not allow ourselves to be diverted from our task by reformist mystification. The neocolonialist is a fool who still believes that the colonial system can be overhauled – or a clever cynic who proposes reforms because he knows that they are ineffective. The reforms will come in their own good time: the Algerian people will make them. The only thing that we can and ought to attempt – but it is the essential thing today – is to fight alongside them to deliver both the Algerians and the French from colonial tyranny.The Nero ComplexConquest was achieved by violence; over-exploitation and oppression demand the maintenance of violence, which entails the presence of the Army. There would be no
contradiction there if terror reigned everywhere on earth; but back in France, the colonist enjoys democratic rights that the colonial system denies the colonized. It is the system, in effect, that encourages the rise in population to reduce the cost of labour, and it is the system again that prohibits the assimilation of the natives. If they had the right to vote, their numerical superiority would make everything explode immediately.Colonialism denies human rights to people it has subjugated by violence, and whom it keeps in poverty and ignorance by force, therefore, as Marx would say, in a state of 'subhumanity'. Racism is inscribed in the events themselves, in the institutions, in the nature of the exchanges and the production. The political and social statuses reinforce one another: since the natives are sub-human, the Declaration of Human Rights does not apply to them; conversely, since they have no rights, they are abandoned without protection to the inhuman forces of nature, to the 'iron laws' of economics. Racism is already there, carried by the praxis of colonialism, engendered at every instant by the colonial apparatus, sustained by those relationships of production which define two sorts of individuals: for some, privilege and humanity are one and the same thing; they assert their humanity through the free exercise of their rights; for the others, the absence of rights sanctions their poverty, their chronic hunger, their ignorance, in short their subhumanity. I have always thought that ideas take shape in things and that they are already in man when he awakens them and expresses them to explain his situation to himself. The 'conservatism' of the colonist, his 'racism', the ambiguous relationship with mainland France, all of these things are already given, before he resuscitates them in the 'Nero Complex'.Memmi would reply to me no doubt that he is not saying anything different: I know
that; 1 furthermore, it is perhaps he who is right: by presenting his ideas in the order of
their discovery, that is to say starting from human intentions and real-life relationships,
he guarantees the authenticity of his experience: he suffered first in his relations with
others, in his relations with himself; he encountered the objective structure in going more Albert Memmi's [2] deeply into the contradiction that was tearing him apart; and he presents them to us just as they are: raw, still permeated with his subjectivity.
But let us leave these quibbles aside. The work establishes some solid truths. First of
all that there are neither good nor bad colonists: there are colonialists. Some among them reject their objective reality: carried along by the colonial apparatus, they do each day, in deed, what they condemn in their dreams, and each of their acts contributes to maintaining oppression. They will change nothing, be of no use to anyone, and find their moral comfort in their malaise that is all. The others – and they are the majority – sooner or later accept themselves as they are. Memmi has provided a remarkable description of the sequence of steps which leads them to 'self-absolution'. Conservatism engenders the selection of mediocre people. How can this elite of usurpers, conscious of their mediocrity, justify their privileges? Only one way: diminish the colonized in order to exult themselves, deny the status of human beings to the natives, and deprive them of basic rights. That will not be difficult as, precisely, the system deprives them of everything; colonialist practice has engraved the colonial idea on things themselves; it is the movement of things which designates both the colonist and the colonized. Thus oppression justifies itself: the oppressors produce and maintain by force the evils which, in their eyes, make the oppressed resemble more and more what they would need to be in order to deserve their fate. The colonist can absolve himself
only by systematically pursuing the 'dehumanization' of the colonized, that is by
identifying a little more each day with the colonial apparatus. Terror and exploitation
dehumanize, and the exploiter uses this dehumanization to justify further exploitation.
The machine runs smoothly; impossible to distinguish between idea and praxis, and
between the latter and objective necessity. These moments of colonialism sometimes
influence one another and sometimes blend. Oppression is, first of all, hatred of the
oppressor towards the oppressed. Only one limit to this enterprise of extermination:
colonialism itself. It is here that the colonists meet their own contradiction: along with the colonized, colonization, the colonizers included, would disappear. No more underclass, no more exploitation: they would fall back into the normal forms of capitalist exploitation, wages and prices would come into line with those in France; it would mean ruin.The system wants the death and the multiplication of its victims at the same time;
any transformation will be fatal to it: whether the natives are assimilated or massacred,
labour costs will rise constantly. The heavy machine keeps those who are compelled to
turn it between life and death – always closer to death than to life; a petrified ideology
applies itself to considering men as animals that talk. In vain: in order to give them
orders, even the harshest, the most insulting, you have to begin by acknowledging them;
and as they cannot be watched over constantly, you have to resolve to trust them. Nobody can treat a man 'like a dog' if he does not first consider him as a man. The impossible dehumanization of the oppressed turns against the oppressors and becomes their alienation. It is the oppressors themselves who, by their slightest gesture, resuscitate the humanity they wish to destroy; and, as they deny it to others, they find it everywhere like an enemy force. To escape from this, they must harden, give themselves the opaque consistency and impermeability of stone; in short they in turn must dehumanize themselves.A pitiless reciprocity binds the colonizers to the colonized, their product and their destiny. Memmi has forcefully shown this; we discover with him that the colonial system is a moving form, born around the middle of the last century, and which will produce its own destruction. For a long time now it has been costing the colonizing countries more than it brings in; France is crushed under the weight of Algeria and we know now that we will abandon the war, without victory or defeat, when we are too poor to pay for it.But,
above all, it is the mechanical rigidity of the apparatus that is causing it to break down. The traditional social structures have been pulverized, the natives 'atomized' and colonial society cannot assimilate them without destroying itself; they will therefore have to rediscover their unity against it. These people excluded from system will proclaim their exclusion in the name of national identity: it is colonialism that creates the patriotism of the colonized. Maintained at the level of animals by an oppressive system, they are not given any rights, not even the right to live, and their condition worsens day by day: when a people's only remaining option is in choosing how to die, when they have received from their oppressors only one gift – despair – what have they got left to lose? Their misery will become their courage; they will turn the eternal rejection that colonization confronts them with into an absolute rejection of colonization. The secret of the proletariat, Marx once said, is that it carries within itself the destruction of bourgeois society. We must be thankful to Memmi for reminding us that the colonized also have their secret, and that we are witnessing the awful death throes of colonialism.
[1] Sartre reviewed Albert Memmi's book, Portrait du colonisé, précédé du portrait du colonisateur in Les Temps Modernes, 137–138, July-August 1957. This review reappeared as 'Préface' to the 1966 edition of Portrait du colonisé, précédé du portrait du colonisateur, published by J. J. Pauvert.[2] Albert Memmi's The Colonizer and the Colonized 20Col 3:4 When Christ, who is our life, shall appear, then shall ye also appear with him in glory. Christ appears in your life right here, right now: one nanosecond after you believe and confess that Jesus is Lord.
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Jul 16, 2016
Agien NyangkweHis hoopla about Southern Cameroons will fall in the ears of those interested in his 14 billions FCFA looth. Only!!!Kamto's body language, what is it this éclairé is telling us?My good Prof Tatah Mentan once told me to watch a politicians body keenly for the body speaks more sense than what comes out of their mouth. "What comes out of their mouths are but rants most of the time" the erudite Professor saidProphetDid you look at Kamto's face in that Bamenda regalia. Not himself in it. Not so?--On Wed, Jul 20, 2016 at 5:32 PM, 'Ofege Ntemfac' via ambasbay <ambasbay@googlegroups.com> wrote:It is a prototypal vista of francophone-Bamileke paternalism-arrogance-chutzpah that extremely provocative words like "Kamerun and reunification" are used to blindside Ambazonians. Add thereto inane political statements like VOTE FOR ME: I WILL SOLVE THE SO-CALLED ANGLOPHONE PROBLEM. As if we are still fools. Clearly, an unfortunately, there is still a permissive and pernicious cabal of dastard there that still thinks "Chacun a son Bamenda" is a vista of reality. OTOH:It is not. Kamto does not know what Southern Cameroons stands for. A fellow who while abusing public office by squeezing for himself a contract in millions from a French Cameroun ministry where he is/was one of the bosses has no business talking. He should just crawl into a hole in his native Baham and shut up. That Kamto's Penal Code prescribed a prison sentence for all (the others) who traffic influence and abuse public office says it all.Col 3:4 When Christ, who is our life, shall appear, then shall ye also appear with him in glory. Christ appears in your life right here, right now: one nanosecond after you believe and confess that Jesus is Lord.
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Jul 16, 2016
--Maurice Kamto in a political campaign stop in Bamenda recently had this to say to Southern Cameroonians: "If all Anglophones join my Party, I will look into "Anglophone grievances" later. I want all SDF, CPDMnd even non militants and sympathizers here in Bamenda and Buea to join my Party so that I can understand what their grievances are all about and take action eventually".Meanwhile, the government in a twist has accused the said Kamto of privately pocketing the handsome amount of 14 Milliards FCFA to produce the now very controversial Penal Code (signed into law a few days ago by Biya) that is almost bringing the country to warCameroun: Maurice Kamto, l'ancien ministre de Paul Biya, accusé d'avoir touché 14 milliards de FCFA pour produire le nouveau code pénal fortement controversé
Maurice Kamto a Bamenda (25/06/2016) ArchivesMaurice Kamto, président national du Mouvement pour la Renaissance du Cameroun (MRC), a tenu un «Meeting géant» dans l'après-midi d'hier samedi 25 juin 2016 à Bamenda, chef-lieu de la Région du Nord-Ouest.Mais, pendant qu'il y était, Paul Soppo, un ancien député UPC, a fait une déclaration publique qui fait polémique. Au cours d'une émission de débat sur la chaine de télévision Ltm diffusée depuis la ville de Douala, il a affirmé que c'est le Cabinet (Cabinet Brain Trust Consulting, ndlr) du Professeur agrégé de droit Maurice Kamto qui a produit le projet du Code pénal adopté le mercredi 22 juin 2016 par l'Assemblée nationale malgré la contestation d'une bonne partie de la population. Dans la foulée, l'honorable Paul Soppo a aussi déclaré que la production de ce Code pénal a coûté 14 milliards de FCFA.
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Aaron Agien NYANGKWE
P.O.Box 5213
Douala-Cameroon
Tel. 237 673 42 71 27
P.O.Box 5213
Douala-Cameroon
Tel. 237 673 42 71 27
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